Dear Citizens of Russia!

My address to you stems from the current situation around the missile defense system NATO is currently building in Europe.

The history of our relations with the United States and NATO member states in missile defense has been a long and difficult one. When in September 2009 President Barack Obama revised the European missile defense plans of his predecessor, we reacted positively. That decision helped us sign an important treaty on the reduction and limitation of strategic offensive weapons, which clearly stated the inextricable connection between strategic offensive weapons and missile defense. It was a great achievement.

But then the United States embarked on a new, so-called “phased” missile defense plan. It worries us, because it stipulates the deployment of relevant U.S. military potential near Russian borders and in water areas adjoining Russia.

At the Russia-NATO Council summit in Lisbon a year ago, I initiated the creation of joint missile defense based on the “sectoral” principle. Moreover, we were ready to modify it, taking the opinions of our NATO partners into account, but do it in such a way as to preserve the main thing: Europe does not need dividing lines, it needs a single security perimeter with Russia having an equal and legally confirmed role in it.

I am convinced that this approach offers unique opportunities for Russia and NATO to build a genuine strategic partnership. Frictions and confrontation in our relations must be replaced by the principles of equality, indivisibility of security, mutual trust and predictability.

Unfortunately, the United States and other NATO member states have failed to manifest sufficient readiness to move in this direction. They do not intend to heed our concerns over the European missile defense architecture at the current stage. They just keep convincing us that their plans are not directed against Russia. But when we ask for clear-cut, legally binding and written commitments, a tough refusal follows. We are ready to discuss the status and content of these commitments. These must not be empty words, but commitments formulated in such a way as to enable Russia to judge not from promises or assurances but from objective military-technical criteria how the United States and NATO’s actions in the missile defense area correlate with their declarations, whether they hurt our interests or threaten to break strategic nuclear parity.

We will not participate in a program capable of weakening our deterrence potential in 6-8 years. This program (European Missile Defense) has already been launched. Its implementation is gathering pace in Poland, Romania, Turkey and Spain. And we are informed about it as an already accomplished fact.

We will certainly continue the missile defense dialogue with the United States and NATO, as we agreed with President Barack Obama during our recent meeting at the APEC summit in Honolulu where I again spelled out our concerns in a precise and clear-cut way. There still is time to achieve understanding. Russia has the political will to move towards agreements that could open a new chapter in our relations with the United States and NATO.

If our partners are prepared to take into account Russia’s legitimate security interests in an honest and responsible way, I am sure we will manage to come to agreement. But if we are offered to “cooperate” against our own interests, we will fail to find common ground. In this case, we will have to look for other options. We will build our actions depending on real developments at each new phase of the American plan.

Therefore, I have made the following decisions:

1. I order the Ministry of Defense to deploy radar missile warning systems in the city of Kaliningrad.

2. A  strategic missile facilities shield will be the first to be strengthened as part of setting up Russia’s Air and Space Defense System.

3. Russia’s Navy and Strategic Missiles Forces will be equipped with a cutting-edge ABM penetration device and super efficient warheads.

4. I have ordered the country’s military  to develop measures enabling the troops to destroy ABM control and information systems in the event of an attack. The abovementioned measures are relevant, efficient and low-cost,

5. If the abovementioned are not enough, Russia will deploy cutting–edge ballistic missile systems capable of the total destruction  of US ABMs in Europe. One of the measures will be deploying is the 9K720 Iskander Mobile Theater Ballistic Missile System  in a special area in Kaliningrad.

Hereafter.

Russia has the right  to halt further disarmament and arms control efforts if it doesn’t reach an agreement with the US on the ABM issue .

Moreover, taking into account the fact that offensive and defensive weapons are closely interconnected, Russia may have legal grounds to walk out of the START-3 and this is stipulated by the Treaty.

However, I would like to emphasize that Russia is not shutting the door on the ABM dialogue with the US and NATO and on practical partnership in this area. Nevertheless, this can be reached only via creating a specific legal basis for such cooperation that will provide for the protection of Russia’s legitimate interests and concerns.  We are open to dialogue. We are counting on a reasonable and constructive approach from our Western partners.