U.S. Commission on Civil Rights
Office of Civil Rights Evaluation
Redefining Rights in America
The Civil Rights Record of the
George W. Bush Administration, 2001–2004
Draft Report for Commissioners’ Review
September 2004
U.S. Commission on Civil Rights
The U.S. Commission on Civil Rights is an independent, bipartisan agency established by Congress in 1957.
It is directed to:
Investigate complaints alleging that citizens are being deprived of their right to vote by reason of their
race, color, religion, sex, age, disability, or national origin, or by reason of fraudulent practices.
Study and collect information relating to discrimination or a denial of equal protection of the laws
under the Constitution because of race, color, religion, sex, age, disability, or national origin, or in the
administration of justice.
Appraise federal laws and policies with respect to discrimination or denial of equal protection of the
laws because of race, color, religion, sex, age, disability, or national origin, or in the administration of
justice.
Serve as a national clearinghouse for information in respect to discrimination or denial of equal
protection of the laws because of race, color, religion, sex, age, disability, or national origin.
Submit reports, findings, and recommendations to the President and Congress.
Issue public service announcements to discourage discrimination or denial of equal protection of the
laws.
Members of the Commission
Mary Frances Berry, Chairperson
Cruz Reynoso, Vice Chairperson
Jennifer C. Braceras
Christopher Edley, Jr.
Peter N. Kirsanow
Elsie M. Meeks
Russell G. Redenbaugh
Abigail Thernstrom
Les Jin, Staff Director
U.S. Commission on Civil Rights
624 Ninth Street, NW
Washington, DC 20425
(202) 376-8128 voice
(202) 376-8116 TTY
www.usccr.gov
This report is available on disk in ASCII and WordPerfect 5.1 for persons with visual impairments. Please
call (202) 376-8110.
Redefining Rights in America
The Civil Rights Record of the
George W. Bush Administration, 2001–2004
Staff Draft September 2004
iii
Acknowledgements
This report was prepared by the Office of Civil Rights Evaluation, Terri A. Dickerson, director.
Mireille L. Zieseniss, civil rights analyst, served as project director. Principal writing and
research were performed by Manuel Alba, social science analyst, and Mireille L. Zieseniss.
Monique Dennis-Elmore,* civil rights analyst, prepared an initial draft of the environmental
justice and language accessibility sections; Latrice Foshee, civil rights analyst, prepared a draft
of hate crimes and racial profiling; and Sock-Foon MacDougall, social scientist, drafted and
finalized the housing discussion. The following interns also contributed to this report: Diego
Chojkier, Washington University; Pierre Jasmine, Western Connecticut State University; and
Adam Stella, Brown University.
The Office of General Counsel, under the direction of Debra A. Carr, deputy general counsel,
reviewed the report for legal sufficiency. Editorial review was performed by Debra A. Carr, Ivy
Davis, chief of regional programs, and Deborah J. Vagins, senior attorney-advisor. Dawn
Sweet,* editor, and Mara Voss,** copyeditor, prepared the report for publication.
* No longer with the Commission.
** Contract employee.
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Contents
Executive Summary................................................................................................................................vii
Chapter 1: Introduction: The George W. Bush Promise to America .................................................1
Presidential Power Over Civil Rights Outcomes...............................................................................2
Scope and Methodology ....................................................................................................................6
Summary Findings............................................................................................................................7
Chapter 2: The Administration’s Commitment to Civil Rights: Rhetoric, Action, and Initiative..8
Statements and Action: The Priority of Civil Rights.........................................................................8
Presidential Initiatives ...................................................................................................................9
Defining Civil Rights Through Diversity ....................................................................................11
Inclusive Outreach and Dialogue.................................................................................................12
Diversity in the Federal Government ..............................................................................................14
Judicial Nominations ...................................................................................................................14
Changing the Nomination Process ..........................................................................................16
Nominees Whose Civil Rights Records Have Been Challenged ............................................17
Charles Pickering Sr. for Fifth Circuit U.S. Court of Appeals............................................17
William H. Pryor Jr. for 11th Circuit U.S. Court of Appeals..............................................19
Priscilla Owen for Fifth Circuit U.S. Court of Appeals ......................................................20
Jeffrey Sutton for Sixth Circuit U.S. Court of Appeals.......................................................21
Carolyn Kuhl for Ninth Circuit U.S. Court of Appeals.......................................................22
Miguel Estrada for D.C. Circuit U.S. Court of Appeals .....................................................22
Janice Rogers Brown for D.C. Circuit U.S. Court of Appeals............................................23
Political Appointments ................................................................................................................24
Sub-Cabinet Appointments .....................................................................................................26
Diversity vs. Support for Civil Rights.....................................................................................27
The Federal Workforce................................................................................................................29
Hispanic Underrepresentation .................................................................................................29
Employees with Disabilities ....................................................................................................30
Minority and Female Underrepresentation at High Civil Service Levels ...............................30
Funding Civil Rights Enforcement..................................................................................................31
Chapter 3: The Bush Agenda and America’s Entrenched Discrimination Problems ....................37
Voting Rights..................................................................................................................................37
A History of Disenfranchisement ................................................................................................38
Democracy Damaged: Modern-Day Disenfranchisement...........................................................40
Has President Bush Helped Repair Democracy?.........................................................................41
Funding Delays........................................................................................................................41
Infrastructure Problems ...........................................................................................................42
Voter Intimidation ...................................................................................................................43
Equal Educational Opportunity .......................................................................................................43
No Child Left Behind ..................................................................................................................45
NCLB’s Effect on Poor, Minority, and Disabled Students .....................................................47
Students with Disabilities....................................................................................................48
Students with Limited English Proficiency.........................................................................49
Holding the Administration Accountable for NCLB Implementation ....................................50
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Affirmative Action..........................................................................................................................52
Federal Contracting .....................................................................................................................54
Affirmative Action in Higher Education .....................................................................................56
The Court’s Ruling: Race as One Factor Among Many .........................................................59
Is the President’s Race-Neutral Diversity Strategy Feasible? .................................................59
Fair Housing ...................................................................................................................................61
Housing Disparities Persist..........................................................................................................63
Bush Administration Housing Actions: Limiting the Dream ......................................................64
A Home of Your Own .............................................................................................................64
Section 8 Housing Choice Voucher Program..........................................................................66
The HOPE VI Program ...........................................................................................................69
Fair Housing and Civil Rights Enforcement................................................................................70
Environmental Justice......................................................................................................................72
A History of Environmental Justice Policies...............................................................................73
Integration of Environmental Equity in EPA Policy ...................................................................74
Environmental Justice Enforcement and Guidance.....................................................................76
Defining Environmental Standards and Identifying Hazards ......................................................77
Fostering Public Participation......................................................................................................77
General Environmental Policies with Civil Rights Relevance ....................................................78
Racial Profiling...............................................................................................................................79
Profiling as a Law Enforcement Tool..........................................................................................81
President Bush’s Promise to End Racial Profiling ......................................................................82
Agency Responses to Post-Terrorism Profiling ......................................................................82
Department of Transportation Policies for Passenger Screening........................................83
Department of Homeland Security Office of Civil Rights and Civil Liberties...................83
Transportation Security Administration Civil Rights Policy ..............................................84
Data Collection on Racial Profiling ........................................................................................84
Federal Guidelines on Racial Profiling ...................................................................................85
Hate Crimes ....................................................................................................................................87
Identifying Hate Crimes: Data Collection ...................................................................................88
National Hate Crime Trends........................................................................................................90
Federal Efforts to Prevent and Redress Hate Crimes ..................................................................92
Words to Action: Prosecution and Prevention.............................................................................93
Combating Hate Crimes: Unfinished Business ...........................................................................94
Chapter 4: Tolerance and Justice: Protecting Rights of Disadvantaged Groups............................96
Immigration Policies and the Fair Treatment of Immmigrants .......................................................96
Viewing Immigration as a Threat: President Bush’s Policies .....................................................98
Undocumented Immigrant Workers ........................................................................................98
Haitian Asylum Seekers ........................................................................................................101
Treatment of Middle Eastern Immigrants and Visitors in an Era of Terrorism ....................102
A Dual System of Rights ...........................................................................................................105
Native Americans ..........................................................................................................................106
Promises Unkept........................................................................................................................107
An Uncertain Future ..................................................................................................................108
Individuals with Disabilities ..........................................................................................................112
New Freedom Initiative .............................................................................................................113
President’s Commission on Excellence in Special Education...................................................115
Recommendations for IDEA Reauthorization.......................................................................115
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The Administration’s Commitment to Special Education.....................................................117
Women’s Rights ............................................................................................................................118
Redefining Women’s Issues, Undercutting Women’s Rights ...................................................120
Title IX Under Attack................................................................................................................121
The Bush Administration’s Commission on Opportunity in Athletics .................................123
A Setback for Women’s Opportunity....................................................................................125
Women’s Entrepreneurship in the 21st Century........................................................................127
Gay Rights and the Administration of Justice ...............................................................................129
Pro- and Anti-Gay Appointments..............................................................................................130
Celebrating Gay Pride................................................................................................................132
Equality Denied .........................................................................................................................133
Lack of Workplace Protections .................................................................................................134
Chapter 5: Promoting Access to Federal Programs ..........................................................................137
Improving Access to Federal Services for Language Minorities ..................................................137
Enforcing Language Accessibility.............................................................................................138
Measuring Implementation and Assessing Success...................................................................141
Improving Access to Federal Programs for Underserved Groups.................................................141
President’s Advisory Commission on Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders.........................142
Initiative on Educational Excellence for Hispanic Americans ..................................................145
Federal Efforts to Address the Needs of Hispanic Students..................................................146
Plans Without Action or Outcomes.......................................................................................148
The White House Initiative on Historically Black Colleges and Universities...........................149
Agency Compliance with the 10 Percent Solution................................................................151
Financial Aid for HBCU Students.........................................................................................152
Access to Federal Funding for Religious Groups..........................................................................152
Expanding Charitable Choice: President Bush’s Faith-Based Initiative ...................................154
Executive Authority and Administrative Channels...............................................................154
The President’s Legislative Agenda......................................................................................155
An Inaccurate Representation: Charitable Choice as a Civil Right...........................................157
Permitting Religious Discrimination .........................................................................................158
Implications and Reaction .........................................................................................................160
Chapter 6: The Bush Record Reviewed ..............................................................................................162
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Executive Summary
Civil rights problems remain entrenched in American society, the stubborn result of unequal
treatment over time. Discrimination in housing, employment, and the voting booth, unequal
educational opportunity, and other problems still stand between some Americans and true equality.
Presidential leadership is necessary to break down obstacles and realize the promise of civil rights.
The U.S. Commission on Civil Rights (Commission) examined the George W. Bush administration’s
commitment to that end. What follows are the results of the Commission’s examination, expressed in
terms of:
(1) whether civil rights enforcement is a presidential priority;
(2) federal efforts to eradicate entrenched discrimination;
(3) expanding and protecting rights for disadvantaged groups; and
(4) promoting access to federal programs and services for traditionally underserved populations.
This report finds that President Bush has neither exhibited leadership on pressing civil rights issues,
nor taken actions that matched his words. The report reaches this conclusion after analyzing and
summarizing numerous documents, including historical literature, reports, scholarly articles,
presidential and administration statements, executive orders, policy briefs, documents of Cabinetlevel
agencies, federal budgets and other data.
Priority of Civil Rights
Through public statements and actions, by establishing a diverse executive branch that affirms civil
rights, and by funding enforcement, an administration can express its commitment to equal
opportunity. This report finds that President Bush has not defined a clear agenda nor made civil
rights a priority.
Statements and Action: Public statements are a means by which Presidents draw the country’s
attention to important matters. However, President Bush seldom speaks about civil rights, and when
he does, it is to carry out official duties, not to promote initiatives or plans for improving opportunity.
Even when he publicly discusses existing barriers to equality and efforts to overcome them, the
administration’s words and deeds often conflict.
Federal Diversity and Support for Civil Rights: Although not to the extent of the previous
administration, President Bush has assembled a commendably diverse Cabinet and moderately
diverse judiciary. However, many of his nominees and appointees do not support civil rights
protections. The effect may be eventual weakening of civil rights laws.
Civil Rights Funding: Requests for funding is one means by which Presidents make their priorities
known. In his first three years in office, the net increase in President Bush’s requests for civil rights
enforcement agencies was less than those of the previous two administrations. After accounting for
inflation, the President’s requests for the six major civil rights programs (Departments of Education,
Labor, Justice, Health and Human Services, and Housing and Urban Development, and the Equal
Employment Opportunity Commission) amount to a loss of spending power for 2004 and 2005.
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Eradicating Entrenched Discrimination
While judicial and legislative achievements of the 1960s and 1970s largely broke down the system of
segregation and legal bases for discrimination, the effects persist and hamper equal opportunity in
education, employment, housing, public accommodations, and the ability to vote. President Bush has
implemented policies that have retreated from long-established civil rights promises in each of these
areas.
Voting Rights: Despite promising to unite the nation and improve its election system, the President
failed to act swiftly toward election reform.
• He did not provide leadership to ensure timely passage and swift implementation of the Help
America Vote Act (HAVA) of 2002. Thus, Congress did not appropriate funds for election
reform until almost two years into his presidency.
• The administration seated the federal election reform oversight board 11 months behind schedule,
resulting in delayed fund distribution to states. Consequently, states did not have the equipment,
infrastructure, or guidance they needed to meet HAVA’s deadlines, including implementation of
statewide voter registration databases, development of voter complaint procedures, and
installation of new voting equipment.
As a result of the President’s inaction, little will change before the 2004 elections, and the problems
that linger, unless resolved, will most likely disenfranchise some eligible voters.
Equal Educational Opportunity: Early in his administration, the President widely promoted an
education reform proposal, the No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB), and garnered bipartisan support.
Despite its worthy goals, however, NCLB has flaws that will inhibit equal educational opportunity
and limit its ability to close the achievement gap.
• NCLB does not sufficiently address unequal education, a major barrier to closing the
achievement gap between minority and white students.
• NCLB defers to states responsibility for defining achievement and adopting assessment
measures. Educators fear that, unless there are safeguards in place, states will attach high stakes
to tests, punishing students for the system’s failure to teach.
• Students, especially those who are minority, limited English proficient, low income, or have
a disability, disproportionately attend schools that do not have the resources to provide
necessary learning tools and, thus, are more likely to be identified as low performers and
subject to sanctions.
• The lowest performing schools are also the poorest, amplifying the need for sufficient resources.
However, President Bush has not aggressively pushed for increased funding, leaving NCLB
underfunded every year except its first.
Affirmative Action: The President’s stance on affirmative action is equivocal at best. President Bush
has tried to please both supporters and opponents, a tactic that has resulted in a misleading and vague
position. He has not exhibited strong leadership on this issue where leadership is vital.
• In 2001, the administration asked the Supreme Court to dismiss a case challenging a
Department of Transportation program for disadvantaged businesses. In announcing and
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discussing the case, it was clear that the administration was not basing its position on support
for affirmative action, but procedural technicalities with the case.
• The administration later filed briefs with the Supreme Court challenging programs that allow race
to be considered as one factor among many in college admissions decisions, discrediting existing
case law and arguing erroneously that this practice amounted to a quota.
• Instead of promoting affirmative action in federal contracting and education, the administration
promotes “race neutral alternatives,” even though in some situations they are not applicable and
in others not overly effective at maintaining diversity.
• President Bush frequently speaks about the importance of diversity and exhibits such a standard
within his own Cabinet. However, his actions with respect to affirmative action are not in line
with that professed commitment as he has undercut programs designed to achieve diversity.
Fair Housing: Policies instituted under the Bush administration have diminished housing
opportunities for poor, disproportionately minority families.
• The President shifted resources away from rent assistance for the poor and toward home
purchasing programs for minorities. Although a worthwhile effort, the President’s A Home of
Your Own program is hampered by insufficient funding to relieve the chronic affordable housing
crisis.
• The President outlined a plan to eliminate billions of dollars from programs to help low-income
and disabled persons pay for housing through rent vouchers, including the Section 8 Housing
Choice Voucher Program, and HOPE VI, which rebuilds distressed communities.
Environmental Justice: The Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) under this administration,
despite some attempts, has not always been successful in advancing the cause of environmental
justice.
• Although it developed an action plan for ensuring environmental justice goals are met, the
agency has not developed measures of accountability and progress.
• EPA has taken few actions to ensure that minority and low-income persons are not disparately
affected by environmental contamination and has failed to develop a standard for assessing how
exposure to hazards affects public health.
• EPA has de-emphasized the significance of minority and low-income populations in its
environmental justice efforts.
• The administration has developed environmental proposals without adequate participation from
minority populations, and has thus failed to consider the civil rights consequences of its actions.
Racial Profiling: Early in his term, President Bush promised to end racial profiling. Although he has
not completely fulfilled that promise, he issued guidelines to prohibit racial profiling in federal law
enforcement, an action unprecedented among U.S. Presidents. President Bush took other actions,
however, that had negative effects.
• The administration responded to the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks by instituting
regulations that facilitate profiling rather than prevent it. Immigrants and visitors from Arab and
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Middle Eastern countries were subjected to increased scrutiny, including interviews, registration,
and in some cases removal.
• Early on, some federal agencies denounced profiling in the performance of their agents’ routine
duties, but the administration did not introduce governmentwide policies complete or
comprehensive enough to have measurable positive effects after September 11.
• Commendably, two years later, the Department of Justice (DOJ) issued guidelines that prohibit
federal agents from making enforcement decisions based on race or ethnicity. However, the
guidelines contain a broad and loosely defined exception that permits race targeting if law
enforcement alleges that individuals are suspected of posing a national security threat. This
exception allows profiling in certain undefined circumstances and potentially gives cover to
abusers.
Hate Crimes: The administration paid little attention to hate crimes until after September 11. Since
then, the President’s words and actions have conveyed mixed messages.
• Immediately after the attacks, the administration declared that acts of violence and discrimination
against Arab Americans, Muslims, and those perceived to be of Middle Eastern descent would
not be tolerated. The executive branch launched a coordinated campaign to prevent hate crimes
against such individuals.
• The administration did not sustain its strong rhetoric after September 11. Neither did President
Bush support passage of the Local Law Enforcement Act, a proposal that would protect gay men
and lesbians, and persons with disabilities from hate crimes.
• President Bush has further stated that “all violent crimes are crimes of hate,” a view which does
not acknowledge the bias associated with such acts.
Disadvantaged Groups in America
African American rights dominated the pre-1970s struggles for equality, but they shared a common
goal with other minority groups and women who sought comparable solutions to discriminatory
treatment. Although the country has made progress, its struggle toward equal rights for all remains
elusive.
Immigrants: This report examines three administration immigration proposals or policies. All lack
strong civil rights protections for immigrants.
• President Bush has made encouraging comments about the extension of rights to immigrant
workers, but has not followed through with action. For example, he initially considered granting
amnesty to approximately 3 million undocumented Mexican immigrants in 2001, but
subsequently terminated his efforts. In January 2004, the President again proposed a temporary
worker program for undocumented immigrants but has not pushed for its passage.
• President Bush has endorsed policies that allow discrimination against certain groups in the
processing of asylum requests. For instance, on the unproven claim that Haitian refugees may
threaten national security, President Bush granted authority to federal agents to hold them in
detention indefinitely without bond until their cases are heard by an asylum court. The United
States does not apply such policy to any other immigrant group.
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• Following the terrorist attacks, the administration instituted policies that singled out immigrants
from Middle Eastern and Muslim countries. The DOJ allowed local law enforcement to contact
and question visitors, citizens, and other residents. It also detained witnesses on minor violations,
held many in secret in harsh conditions, and did not inform them of charges against them. The
administration limited available channels for legal entry and began requiring individuals from
selected countries to register and submit fingerprints and photographs upon arrival.
Native Americans: President Bush has acknowledged the great debt America owes to Native
Americans. However, his words have not been matched with action. Commission reports document
that the President has not effectively used the stature of his office to speak out on ending
discrimination against Native Americans. Nor has he engaged in a consistent effort to alleviate their
problems. He has not applied resources to improving conditions or adequately funded programs that
serve Native peoples. For example:
• President Bush has not requested sufficient funding for tribal colleges and universities, has
proposed terminating $1.5 billion in funding for education programs that benefit Native
Americans, and has not provided adequate resources to meet NCLB goals that apply to Indian
Country.
• For 2004, the administration requested $3.6 billion for the Indian Health Service, the primary
provider of Native American health care. This falls far short of the $19.4 billion in unmet health
needs in Native communities.
• President Bush’s budget requests for housing programs have not approached the $1 billion
required to meet the demand, and consequently, Native Americans have an immediate need for
210,000 housing units.
• In 2003, President Bush terminated funding for critical law enforcement programs, including the
Tribal Drug Court Program. Experts agree that problems with the criminal justice system in
Indian Country are serious and understated.
Persons with Disabilities: President Bush has demonstrated a commitment to improving the lives of
individuals with disabilities, a goal he outlined during his campaign. Although too soon to measure
the ultimate impact of the administration’s efforts, the disability rights community has embraced
them.
• The administration implemented the New Freedom Initiative (NFI) to integrate disabled
individuals into the labor force and abolish hurdles to full participation in community programs
and services.
• President Bush directed several agencies to assist states in expanding community-based services
for individuals with disabilities, and introduced a Web site to make information more readily
available.
• In his 2004 budget, the President proposed $2.1 billion in NFI funding over a five-year period.
• President Bush also created the President’s Commission on Excellence in Special Education
(PCESE) to gather data on and examine special education programs. It offered recommendations
for the reauthorization of the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA), many of which
were similar to those the Commission made in 2002. However, while PCESE supported a limited
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amount for IDEA, the Commission noted the need for full and immediate funding. Congress has
yet to finalize IDEA’s reauthorization. In the meantime, President Bush has the opportunity to
demand congressional action and demonstrate his commitment to individuals with disabilities.
Women: President Bush’s record on women’s issues is mixed. Economic gains for which he has
paved the way are overshadowed by other actions that have set back women’s rights. For example:
• The Bush administration closed the White House Office for Women’s Initiatives and Outreach
and attempted to close the Women’s Bureau at the Department of Labor (DOL). It retreated amid
objections from women’s groups.
• The administration withdrew Department of Education guidance on sexual harassment in schools
from the Internet and ended distribution of information on workplace rights of women.
• President Bush attempted to redirect Title IX enforcement, but ceased his effort after
overwhelming public expressions of support for the law.
• The administration commendably launched a plan to improve women’s access to capital by
creating a Web site for women entrepreneurs and holding related conferences, but at the same
time abolished DOL’s Equal Pay Initiative.
Gay Men and Lesbians: President Bush appointed some gay rights supporters to Cabinet and
administration positions. However, other actions he and his administration have taken have almost
completely eclipsed the efforts he made. For example:
• In 2003, Attorney General John Ashcroft did not allow a Gay Pride Month celebration at DOJ,
even though it had been an established program at the agency. He relented after protestations, but
did not permit the use of agency funds, even though they are used for other heritage and history
commemorations.
• President Bush opposes the Employment Non-Discrimination Act and Hate Crimes Prevention
Act, both of which include protections for gay individuals.
• In 2004, the Office of Special Counsel removed documents pertaining to sexual orientation
discrimination in the federal government from its Web site. Only after the action was publicized
did the administration direct that the materials be re-posted.
• President Bush has stated unequivocal support for a constitutional amendment banning same-sex
marriages. If passed, the amendment would be the first in U.S. history to limit rather than
preserve and expand the rights of a group.
Promoting Access to Federal Programs
By continuously improving access to federal programs, an administration can promote equal
opportunity and reduce economic and social disparities. President Bush has made efforts to improve
access, but as with past administrations, equal access remains elusive and requires greater federal
investment.
Language Minorities: President Bush has indicated a commitment to improving access to federal
programs for limited English proficient (LEP) individuals. Among the administration’s actions:
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• DOJ issued a memorandum to federal agencies stating the Bush administration was committed to
implementing a Clinton executive order to improve LEP access.
• The administration created the Federal LEP Interagency Working Group to improve efficiency
and effectiveness of Title VI and executive order implementation, as well as the HERE Hispanic
Initiative Grant Award to provide English instruction for immigrant workers and new American
citizens.
• However, the administration has not required agencies to develop output measures or other
assessments to evaluate progress. No procedures exist to assess whether federal programs and
services are becoming more accessible to language minorities, hampering Title VI enforcement.
Underserved Minority Groups: President Bush extended several initiatives of earlier administrations
designed to improve access for specific minority groups. Some assess a population’s general needs
and develop solutions while others focus on a specific purpose. The administration modified each in
some way. For example:
• President Bush extended the work of the President’s Advisory Commission on Asian Americans
and Pacific Islanders (PACAAPI) until July 7, 2003. Before the group’s work could be
completed, President Bush let the initiative’s renewal lapse. Almost a year later and after pleas
from Congress and civil rights groups, he renewed it. However, the administration moved the
initiative from the Department of Health and Human Services to the Department of Commerce
and, without input from affected communities, changed its focus from broad appeal to a narrow
one of economic and small business development. Advocacy groups criticized the changes,
stating that they narrowed the mission and would result in neglect of pressing health problems.
• In 2001, the President also renewed the White House Initiative on Educational Excellence for
Hispanic Americans. He created an advisory commission and charged it with developing a
multiyear action plan to close the achievement gap. The administration has developed a Web site
to help parents and students make college decisions, and increased funding for Hispanic serving
institutions. Overall, it developed many plans but undertook few actions and offers minimal
demonstrable outcomes.
• In 2002, President Bush reestablished the President’s Board of Advisors on Historically Black
Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) and extended the White House Initiative on HBCUs, a
program to increase the participation of these institutions in federal grants and contracts. The
board recommended that 27 participating agencies designate 10 percent of all money spent on
higher education to HBCUs; only the Department of Education has met the goal. The board also
is more than two years behind schedule in releasing annual performance reports, rendering a
governmentwide evaluation of HBCU programs difficult.
Funding for Religious Groups: When President Bush took office, he expanded the ability of
religious groups to receive federal funds through the Faith-Based and Community Initiatives.
Although the initiative constitutes a retreat from civil rights, President Bush has consistently
presented it as an extension of civil rights to religious groups.
• He advanced the plan as a flagship initiative, mentioning it in more than 350 speeches, issuing
executive orders, directing federal agencies to revise regulations, and working with Congress to
pass and strengthen related legislation.
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• President Bush does not speak about civil rights initiatives often, but when he does he promotes
the faith-based program more than any other. He has presented the initiative as an end to
discrimination against religious organizations, using terms such as “remove barriers,” “equal
access,” and “equal treatment,” which convey that such programs have civil rights relevance. In
reality, the program does not remove barriers to discrimination. On the contrary, it allows
religious organizations that receive public funds to discriminate against individuals based on
religion in employment.
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Chapter 1: Introduction: The George W. Bush Promise to America
While many of our citizens prosper, others doubt the promise, even the justice, of our
own country. The ambitions of some Americans are limited by failing schools and hidden
prejudice and the circumstances of their birth. And sometimes our differences run so
deep, it seems we share a continent, but not a country.
We do not accept this, and we will not allow it. Our unity, our union, is the serious work
of leaders and citizens in every generation. And this is my solemn pledge: I will work to
build a single nation of justice and opportunity. . . .
America has never been united by blood or birth or soil. We are bound by ideals that
move us beyond our backgrounds, lift us above our interests and teach us what it means
to be citizens. Every child must be taught these principles. Every citizen must uphold
them. And every immigrant, by embracing these ideals, makes our country more, not less,
American.1
– President George W. Bush, January 2001
President George W. Bush’s address on January 20, 2001, gave civil rights watchers hope that
his administration would protect each American’s right to equal education, housing,
employment, and justice. After all, his presidency was already marked by a close and
controversial election that dominated the news and refocused national attention on voting rights.
The nation watched with anticipation to determine whether the new President would fulfill his
promise to reform education, immigration, and election policies, and promote unity and
opportunity.
Within nine months, however, the America to which President Bush referred in his inaugural
speech would forever and fundamentally change. Whereas few Americans had paid attention to
the nation’s security level and most gave scant thought to shielding themselves and their families
from terrorism, all of that changed on September 11, 2001. New words soon entered the popular
lexicon, such as “emergency readiness,” “shelter-in-place,” “homeland security,” and “national
terrorism threat level.” Overnight, combating terrorism became America’s most important policy
objective. Events called for, and the administration responded with, policy action that anticipated
terrorism. Those new policy actions affected prevailing antidiscrimination laws and as such
demanded commitment to civil rights protections.
Presidents have great power to direct national policy output, set priorities, and lead change. As
such, they are entrusted with responsibility to make progress toward and uphold the most basic
principle upon which civil rights laws were passed—equality. With this report, the U.S.
Commission on Civil Rights (Commission) examines the Bush administration’s statements and
actions to determine whether it has promoted or prioritized civil rights. This report measures
President Bush’s civil rights record; it does not assess his actions with regard to foreign or
domestic policy priorities that do not have direct civil rights implications.
1 President George W. Bush, Inaugural Address, Jan. 20, 2001, .
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PRESIDENTIAL POWER OVER CIVIL RIGHTS OUTCOMES
Whether Presidents are main characters or minor players on the national policy stage depends on
myriad factors. Some say that even though they occupy the power seat, Presidents are too
dependent on Congress and the courts to influence policy significantly. Others conclude that
Presidents are not minor players and point to vast differences in their accomplishments as
evidence. Although legislatively dependent on Congress, the President has powerful tools that he
can use to shape civil rights policy and influence public opinion, including judicial nominations
and political appointments, executive orders, budget proposals, administrative policies, and the
authority of the office.2 In addition, the federal agencies under his management can be, and are,
means to promote and implement policies. Presidential effectiveness depends on how an
administration funds and utilizes government offices that write regulations and implement
operating policies to carry out legislative, executive, and judicial edicts.3
This report examines how the Bush administration has applied such tools to forming and
promoting a civil rights agenda. It assesses public statements and actions as measures of
presidential commitment. It posits whether or not statements and public actions have produced
outcomes and, if so, what the results were.
A few Presidents made significant policy advances, even with judicial and legislative dissonance
at times, and left strong civil rights legacies. Others have, in promoting personal ideologies,
effectively blocked civil rights progress. After the Civil War, Reconstruction governments
passed laws to open economic and political opportunities to black Americans. But any advances
that black people had made vanished as local laws separated the races for most of the century
that followed. By 1877, local “Whites Only” laws segregated the nation’s transportation, schools,
restaurants, and public accommodations.4 By the late 1800s, blacks sued unsuccessfully to stop
separate seating in railroad cars, disenfranchisement, and segregation in schools and restaurants.
In its Plessey v. Ferguson decision in 1896, the Supreme Court ruled “separate but equal”
accommodations constitutional.5
Little changed in the decades that followed, until the Franklin D. Roosevelt administration,
which was active in civil rights. Its policies had strong—positive and negative—outcomes. In the
1930s, President Roosevelt opened federal jobs to blacks and appointed Supreme Court justices
who favored rights for black Americans. His administration renewed hope among African
Americans that the federal government might be their ally, a sentiment that had not been felt
since the Civil War.6 However, the Roosevelt administration also engineered and executed
Japanese American internment during World War II, one of the most egregious civil rights
injustices in the nation’s history.
2 Lance T. LeLoup and Steven A. Shull, The Presidency and Congress: Collaboration and Combat in National
Policymaking (New York: Pearson Education, 2003), p. 139 (hereafter cited as LeLoup and Shull, The Presidency
and Congress).
3 Hugh Davis Graham, Civil Rights and the Presidency (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992) p. 8.
4 LeLoup and Shull, The Presidency and Congress, p. 131.
5 Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U.S. 537 (1896).
6 See Nancy J. Weiss, Farwell to the Party of Lincoln: Black Politics in the Age of FDR (Princeton, NJ: Princeton
University Press, 1983).
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After World War II the movement toward equality began to gain momentum, marked by a few
significant events. In 1945, President Harry S. Truman desegregated the military. Though
proactive, his decision was connected to not a social or legal responsibility, but a personal sense
of honor. Neither his advisors nor his electoral base were pushing him to act. He possessed
neither an electoral mandate nor a reputation for strong leadership. However, revolted by reports
that decorated black war veterans had been dragged, in uniform, from buses in the South and
beaten within hours of being discharged, Truman called on his advisors and Cabinet officers to
desegregate the military.7 While he failed to garner congressional support for anti-lynching laws,
he used his executive order powers to induce an end to discriminatory federal government hiring
practices.
Nine years later, during the presidency of Dwight Eisenhower, the Supreme Court overturned the
58-year-old precedent of school segregation in the Brown v. Board of Education decision.8
Brown brought an onslaught of litigation about which President Eisenhower had to decide if and
how to react. Nothing in his agenda suggested he favored rapid or forceful public school
integration or a fervent desire to remedy racial injustice. He acted foremost on a duty to enforce
law and order when he sent troops to escort black students into a Little Rock, Arkansas, high
school.9 Although cautious on civil rights matters, President Eisenhower created the Civil Rights
Commission and requested the abolishment of poll taxes and literacy tests designed to limit
minority voting.10
President John F. Kennedy proceeded incrementally on most civil rights issues, straddling all
sides until or even in the hope that other actions, such as court rulings, would bring them to a
close. A turning point came in 1962 when a black student attempted to enroll at the University of
Mississippi. After a night of violence, President Kennedy sent troops to enforce the law. The
event left little doubt in segregationists’ minds as to the administration’s civil rights position. Its
later reactions to church fire bombings and introduction of a civil rights bill in Congress were
stronger and swifter.11 The change in strategy signaled the administration’s desire to recast the
President’s actions in Mississippi as victorious and farsighted, not reactionary.12 President
Kennedy was also the first to use the term “affirmative action” in a racial context, and he
established a Committee on Equal Employment Opportunity, the predecessor to the Equal
Employment Opportunity Commission, to implement nondiscriminatory policies in federal jobs
and contracting.13
Amid unprecedented social unrest during the Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson administrations,
Congress passed new civil rights laws. President Kennedy declared civil rights a moral issue and
7 Ronald D. Sylvia, “Presidential Decision Making and Leadership in the Civil Rights Era,” Presidential Studies
Quarterly, vol. 24, no. 3 (summer 1995), p. 396 (hereafter cited as Sylvia, “Presidential Decision Making”).
8 Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483 (1954).
9 Sylvia, “Presidential Decision Making,” p. 399.
10 LeLoup and Shull, The Presidency and Congress, p. 133.
11 Sylvia, “Presidential Decision Making,” pp. 401–02.
12 Ibid., pp. 402–03.
13 Establishing the President’s Committee on Equal Employment Opportunity, Exec. Order No. 10,925, 3 C.F.R. 448
(1959–1963). The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission was established in the Civil Rights Act of 1964.
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proposed comprehensive legislation, although it faced fierce opposition in Congress and failed to
gain momentum. Immediately following President Kennedy’s assassination, President Johnson, a
Southerner, became an unlikely champion for civil rights, skillfully urging Congress to honor
President Kennedy’s memory with the passage of civil rights legislation.14 In 1964, President
Johnson signed the Civil Rights Act, which, among other things, outlawed segregation in
education and public accommodations; in 1965 he signed the Voting Rights Act, which would
become the primary tool for ensuring equality in the voting booth.15 President Johnson became a
fervent civil rights supporter and was recognized as an ally by leaders of the movement.16
President Richard Nixon’s record on civil rights is mixed. He was the first President to
implement federal policies to encourage minority hiring. In 1969, his administration developed
the Philadelphia Plan, which required federal contractors to set specific minority hiring goals.17
In 1970 and 1971, federal courts upheld the plan. However, in his desire to court the Southern
electorate, President Nixon announced his opposition to busing and made two controversial
nominations to the Supreme Court, one of whom was vocally opposed to desegregation and had,
at an earlier point in his career, professed a belief in white supremacy.18
Until this point, civil rights policy had largely centered on blacks. In the early 1970s, however,
more groups began seeking protection, including Hispanics, Native Americans, Asian Pacific
Americans, individuals with disabilities, and gay men and lesbians.19 The century-old struggle
for women’s equality also gained resonance against political and social resistance. The Equal
Rights Amendment (ERA), which would have guaranteed employment, economic, and other
rights for women, failed to gain state ratification and was a setback for civil rights policy- and
lawmaking. President Gerald Ford was not assertive either legislatively or administratively with
respect to civil rights and thus did little to advance equality for any protected groups.20
Although President Jimmy Carter was a civil rights advocate who appointed blacks and women
to judicial and executive branch positions, he was not active or effective in the legislative
arena.21 For example, he espoused support for the ERA, but was unable to garner broad
14 U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, “Pre-1965: Events Leading to the Creation of EEOC,”
(last accessed Aug. 11, 2004).
15 Civil Rights Act of 1964, Pub. L. No. 88-352, 78 Stat. 241 (codified as amended at 42 U.S.C. §§ 1971, 1975a–
1975d, 2000a–2000h-6 (2000)); Voting Rights Act of 1965, Pub. L. No. 89-110, 79 Stat. 437 (codified as amended
at 42 U.S.C. §§ 1971, 1973–1973bb-1 (2000)).
16 LeLoup and Shull, The Presidency and Congress, p. 133, citing Eric F. Goldman, The Tragedy of Lyndon Johnson
(New York: Knopf, 1969), p. 515.
17 The White House, “Affirmative Action Review,”
(last accessed June 21, 2004); Borgna Brunner, “Timeline of Affirmative Action Milestones,”
(last accessed June 21, 2004).
18 LeLoup and Shull, The Presidency and Congress, p. 135; John Anthony Maltese, “Confirmation Gridlock: The
Federal Judicial Appointments Process Under Bill Clinton and George W. Bush,” Journal of Appellate Practice and
Process, vol. 5 (spring 2003), p. 8, citing a statement by G. Harold Carswell who was nominated in 1970. The other
Nixon nominee criticized by civil rights groups was Clement Haynsworth (1969).
19 LeLoup and Shull, The Presidency and Congress, p. 134.
20 Ibid., p. 140.
21 Ibid., pp. 135, 140.
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endorsement of the measure. He relied instead on executive orders to make his policy positions
known, such as an order to promote leadership in and consolidate federal fair housing programs
and another to increase the participation of Historically Black Colleges and Universities in
federally sponsored programs.22 President Carter also used executive orders to broaden EEOC’s
mandate to include federal equal employment opportunity, equal pay, and age discrimination
functions.23
Conversely, the Ronald Reagan administration, owing to the President’s own ideology, actively
pursued a narrow civil rights agenda, effectively nullifying earlier efforts. Through public
statements, President Reagan expressed a belief that many programs, such as affirmative action
and antidiscrimination laws, divided the United States along racial lines. He believed that
affirmative action itself constituted discrimination.24 As a result, his administration ended
programs that had promoted minority advancement, including those applying to government
contractors, and brought several legal challenges to affirmative action. President Reagan also
opposed busing public school children to achieve racial integration. He appointed three of the
sitting Supreme Court justices, including the first woman to serve. Some of his nominations were
controversial, however; for example, in 1987, the Senate refused to confirm a Reagan nominee,
by the widest margin in history, in part because of the nominee’s position on equal rights for
minorities and women.25 He was also the first President to openly oppose the Equal Rights
Amendment.
President George H.W. Bush upheld many Reagan policies. He made few public statements
about civil rights, and did so only after intense political pressure. His greatest civil rights
achievements were successfully pursuing passage of the Americans with Disabilities Act of
1990, a landmark legislative effort to protect the rights of persons with disabilities, and issuing
disability-related executive orders.26 His overall civil rights leadership, on issues other than
disability, has been characterized as weak and reactive.27 For example, experts conclude that he
22 Steven A. Shull, American Civil Rights Policy from Truman to Clinton: The Role of Presidential Leadership
(Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 1999), pp. 39, 123 (hereafter cited as Shull, American Civil Rights Policy). See also
Leadership and Coordination of House in Federal Programs, Exec. Order No. 12,259, 46 Fed. Reg. 1,253 (Jan. 6,
1981); and Historically Black Colleges and Universities, Exec. Order No. 12,232, 45 Fed. Reg. 53,437 (Aug. 12,
1980). President Reagan revoked this order when he signed Executive Order 12,320 on Sept. 15, 1981. Exec. Order
No. 12,320, 3 C.F.R. 176 (1982).
23 See Transfer of Certain Equal Employment Enforcement Functions, Exec. Order No. 12,106, 44 Fed. Reg. 1,053
(Jan. 3, 1979); and Transfer of Certain Equal Pay and Age Discrimination in Employment Enforcement Functions,
Exec. Order No. 12,144, 3 C.F.R. 404 (1980).
24 Neal Devins, “Affirmative Action After Reagan,” Texas Law Review, vol. 68 (December 1989), p. 353.
25 Michael J. Gerhardt, “Toward a Comprehensive Understanding of the Federal Appointments Process,” Harvard
Journal of Law and Public Policy, vol. 21 (spring 1998), p. 467; Ann E. Freedman and Sylvia A. Law, “Thomas I.
Emerson: A Pioneer for Women’s Equality,” Case Western Reserve Law Review, vol. 38 (1987/1988), p. 539.
26 Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990, Pub. L. No. 101-336, 104 Stat. 327 (codified as amended at 42 U.S.C.
§§ 12101–12213 (2000)). See, e.g., Interagency Committee on Handicapped Employees, Exec. Order No. 12,672, 3
C.F.R. 273 (1989); and Noncompetitive Conversion of Personal Assistants to Employees with Disabilities, Exec.
Order No. 12,685, 3 C.F.R. 232 (1990).
27 Neal Devins, “Reagan Redux: Civil Rights Under Bush,” Notre Dame Law Review, vol. 68 (1993), pp. 956–57;
Shull, American Civil Rights Policy, pp. 118–19.
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signed the Civil Rights Act of 1991 reluctantly and under political pressure, and only after much
compromise.28
In campaign statements, President William J. Clinton expressed a desire to fundamentally
improve race relations. He appointed a presidential advisory board that held a series of meetings
aimed at understanding racial tensions. President Clinton also upheld his campaign promise to
put in place government leadership that “looks like America,” by assembling the most racially,
ethnically, and gender diverse administration in history. He defended affirmative action, calling
it “a moral imperative, a constitutional mandate and a legal necessity.”29 President Clinton also
increased enforcement of fair housing laws. Although he was the first President to back measures
to end bias against gay men and lesbians in the federal workplace and the military, he eventually
adopted a compromise position.30 By voicing strong and frequent support for equal opportunity
and including minority groups in the policymaking process, President Clinton made many
rhetorical inroads into civil rights and improved dialogue on race relations. However, his
administration’s statements were not always matched by enforcement action, and its potentially
innovative policies were at times tempered by ineffective implementation.31
George W. Bush entered the presidency at a time of promise for civil rights. The foundation that
had been established in administrations since the 1930s provided a base for future progress. Has
President Bush built upon existing civil rights laws and policies? What have been his
administration’s civil rights priorities? What statements and actions has President Bush put forth
to promote civil rights, and what have been the results? This report will examine these questions.
SCOPE AND METHODOLOGY
With this report, the Commission examines the Bush administration’s statements and actions
with respect to civil rights and the quest for equality. Chapter 2 covers the administration’s
commitment to civil rights based on public messages and actions to promote civil rights,
including its political appointments and judicial nominations, and funding for enforcement.
Traditionally, civil rights advances have grown out of policy that furthers equal educational
opportunity, affirmative action, housing, immigration, and voting rights. Chapter 3 examines the
administration’s progress on these fronts among others. As civil rights have evolved, other
groups have become involved in the fight for equality. Chapter 4 examines the policies and
initiatives that have either moved those groups, including immigrants, Native Americans,
persons with disabilities, women, and gay men and lesbians, toward or away from equality.
Chapter 5 assesses the administration’s actions toward new or inherited other programs designed
to promote access to federal services for individuals traditionally neglected. Finally, the
28 Civil Rights Act of 1991, Pub. L. No. 102-166, 105 Stat. 1071 (codified as amended at 2 U.S.C. §§ 1201–1224, 29
U.S.C. § 626, 42 U.S.C. §§ 1981, 1988, 2000e to 2000e-16 (2000)). See LeLoup and Shull, The Presidency and
Congress, p. 149–52.
29 President William J. Clinton, remarks on affirmative action, July 20, 1995, as excerpted in “Give All Americans a
Chance . . .” Washington Post, July 20, 1995, p. A12.
30 LeLoup and Shull, The Presidency and Congress, p. 147.
31 U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, A Bridge to One America: The Civil Rights Performance of the Clinton
Administration, April 2001, p. 4 (hereafter cited as USCCR, A Bridge to One America);
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Commission assesses whether the administration’s efforts, cumulatively, have advanced or
retarded civil rights.
The Commission reviewed public statements and documents, policy briefs, budget data, and
executive orders. In addition, staff analyzed the policies that executive Cabinet agencies
implemented. To the extent clarification was needed, staff contacted agencies. Staff also
conducted an extensive literature review, with special emphasis on reports, studies, statements,
and publications offered from scholars, political analysts, government sources, experts on
presidential leadership, and affected communities. Staff consulted historical documents to
establish context for understanding modern-day antidiscrimination targets.
This evaluation does not comprehensively review all administration policies or initiatives, but
selects based on applicability to civil rights and prominence within the administration’s overall
agenda. The Commission considered several factors when making its selection: whether a policy
or initiative involved a matter of longstanding civil rights interest; whether it was based on a
campaign promise; whether it stemmed from events demanding immediate attention; and
whether it grew from a new opportunity or the President’s own ideology. It is beyond the scope
of this evaluation to assess the outcomes of individual civil rights initiatives. Because many are
still in the planning stages, it would be premature to measure effectiveness. Rather, this review
regards the administration’s overall agenda and its potential to advance civil rights. As with past
administrations, historical retrospective will provide the keenest insight to President Bush’s civil
rights legacy.
SUMMARY FINDINGS
Several themes emerge from this study. Specifically, this examination will show that the
administration’s statements frequently do not match its actions. Its civil rights promises often
suffer for lack of funding and ineffective implementation. To his credit, President Bush has not
dismantled some good programs that previous administrations had implemented. However, he
has also not comprehensively advanced them or demanded accountability for their outcomes.
And finally, through the views of his executive and judicial appointments and his own professed
priorities, President Bush redefines civil rights, at times by promoting unrelated initiatives under
a civil rights banner.
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Chapter 2: The Administration’s Commitment to Civil Rights: Rhetoric, Action,
and Initiative
This chapter assesses whether the administration has clarified and articulated its commitment to
civil rights and equal opportunity, and whether it has aggressively secured resources for civil
rights promotion and enforcement. The Commission examined the President’s public statements,
political appointments and judicial nominations, and funding requests as a measure of leadership,
commitment, and goals.
STATEMENTS AND ACTION: THE PRIORITY OF CIVIL RIGHTS
Presidents play a crucial role in shaping civil rights policy through their messages
because only with presidential support are major and lasting policy changes likely. . . .
Some presidential communications, especially in an emotionally charged policy area such
as civil rights, may be more symbolic than substantive. Yet even symbolism can have
important policy consequences by focusing public attention on the problem.1
Strong leadership requires ideological commitment and assertiveness.2 The President has the
power to call public attention to social matters and shape public dialogue, which in turn influence
policy development. Presidential rhetoric not only informs the public of the administration’s
goals and agenda, but precedes presidential action. It is critical, then, to judge a President’s
commitment both on statements and actions. History reveals that the two are not always
consistent.
For example, President Reagan expressed support for the broad principles of civil rights early in
his administration, but acted to the contrary when he later moved away from programs
supporting equality.3 President George H.W. Bush, trying to soften the image of his party, called
for a “kinder and gentler America.” But, in policy, he opposed the passage of an equal rights
amendment for women and programs to redress past discrimination against African Americans
and Native Americans.4 While President Clinton espoused strong support for civil rights, at times
he did not follow up with action.5 For example, although he spoke frequently about the
persistence of discrimination and the need for affirmative action programs, his administration
failed to actively pursue affirmative action cases and Title VI violations in court.6 In each of
these instances, presidential actions did not match rhetoric; thus, a comprehensive analysis must
consider both.
1 Steven A. Shull, American Civil Rights Policy from Truman to Clinton: The Role of Presidential Leadership
(Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 1999), p. 58 (hereafter cited as Shull, American Civil Rights Policy).
2 See Ibid., p. 9.
3 Ibid., p. 59.
4 Ibid., pp. 63–64.
5 See U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, A Bridge to One America: The Civil Rights Performance of the Clinton
Administration, April 2001 (hereafter cited as USCCR, A Bridge to One America).
6 Ibid., pp. 25, 70. Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 prohibits discrimination based on race, color, or national
origin in programs and activities receiving federal financial assistance. See 42 U.S.C. § 2000d (2000).
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Commission staff found that 153 of President Bush’s public statements between January 2001
and December 2003 included the phrases “civil rights,” “diversity,” or “discrimination.”7 Given
the thousands of presidential records (including public statements, proclamations, speeches, etc.),
released during this period, this indicates that President Bush rarely uses these terms. When he
does, it is most often in reference to heritage and history celebrations and holidays, such as
African American History Month, Hispanic Heritage Month, Asian Pacific American Heritage
Month, and the Martin Luther King Jr. holiday.8 In addition, a significant portion of his
statements referred to civil rights in the historical context or in reference to his nominations for
civil rights positions (discussed below). As such, the vast majority derive from official duties,
and not action-oriented proposals for improving or advancing civil rights. The dearth of
substantive presidential statements reveals that civil rights is not a priority for this
administration.
Presidential Initiatives
Of the 153 statements, only 27 (or 17 percent) outline plans of action or concrete initiatives (see
table 2.1). The Faith-Based and Community Initiatives is the one most frequently promoted by
the President, and in fact, accounts for more than half of the references (15 of 27). In discussing
it, President Bush promotes an end to what he describes as discrimination in the distribution of
federal funds (see chapter 5). In one statement promoting the administration’s efforts, the
President said, “My Administration has been working to ensure that faith-inspired organizations
do not face discrimination simply because of their religious orientation.”9 The President often
expresses interest in religious matters; however, his consistent use of terms such as “funding
discrimination” to describe this program seems designed to attach civil rights relevance to a
completely unrelated effort. In fact, the faith-based initiative’s only civil rights significance may
be that it actually allows employment discrimination. As will be discussed in chapter 5, this
initiative reflects the President’s desire to recast civil rights in a manner that suits his narrow
agenda and, as such, has been highly controversial.10
The Commission found no reference to presidential statements on the President’s Commission
on Excellence in Special Education, Women’s Entrepreneurship in the 21st Century, or the
President’s Commission on Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders (see chapters 4 and 5). Thus,
7 Staff used the U.S. Government Printing Office’s online resource, Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents,
which can be found at . The weekly compilation is issued every Monday and contains
statements, messages, and other materials released by the White House during the preceding week. These search
terms were chosen because they represent common civil rights sentiment and are general enough to encompass a
variety of civil rights contexts.
8 Other proclamations include: Thomas Jefferson Day, National Volunteer Week, Loyalty Day, National Day of
Prayer, the Anniversary of the Americans with Disabilities Act, Citizenship Day and Constitution Week, White
Cane Safety Day, National American Indian Heritage Month, Women’s Equality Day, National Birmingham Pledge
Week, Irish American Heritage Month, World AIDS Day, Observances of Ramadan and Eid al-Fitr, Religious
Freedom Day, National Fair Housing Month, Jewish Heritage Week, Cinco de Mayo, the Centennial of Korean
Immigration to the United States, German American Day, and Black Music Month.
9 President George W. Bush, “Proclamation 7640: Religious Freedom Day, 2003,” Jan. 15, 2003.
10 Lance T. LeLoup and Steven A. Shull, The Presidency and Congress: Collaboration and Combat in National
Policymaking (New York: Pearson Education, 2003), pp. 137–38.
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the President may not view these initiatives as important or relevant to his civil rights agenda. If
measured by public statements, these projects are left to administrative channels to promote,
develop, and implement. Various agencies are responsible for carrying out the administration’s
initiatives, but without direction or clear expression of priority, their progress is limited.
Table 2.1. Content of Presidential Speeches, Statements, and Other
Documents, 2001–2003
2001 2002 2003
Proclamations/heritage celebrations/holidays 15 14 16
“Civil rights” in a historical or general context 6 5 5
Support of “diversity,” generally 7 9 7
Opposition to “discrimination,” generally 4 2 1
Nominations to civil rights positions/judicial
nominees 5 6 4
Substantive discussions/policy proposals:
Faith-Based and Community Initiatives 6 3 6
Community Based Alternatives for Individuals
with Disabilities 1
President’s Commission on Election Reform 1
No Child Left Behind Act 3 2
Interagency Disability Web Site 1
Teaching American History and Civil Education
Initiatives 1
Welfare Reform Reauthorization 1
Head Start 1
Fair and Accurate Credit Transactions Act of
2003 1
Miscellaneous references 6 7 1
Comments not related to civil rights in the U.S. 4 2 6
Total* 55 54 50
*Note that the totals add up to more than the number of documents (153) because some have more than
one reference.
Source: USCCR analysis of document search retrieved from U.S. General Printing Office, “Weekly
Compilation of Presidential Documents,” .
Education reform was one of the most visible efforts on the President’s domestic agenda during
his campaign and early in his tenure. The No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB) gained bipartisan
support and was noteworthy in its acknowledgement that an achievement gap exists between
minority and nonminority students (discussed in chapter 3). In promoting NCLB, the President
stated, “Equal education is one of the most pressing civil rights of our day,”11 and described
education as “the next frontier of civil rights.”12 However, as will be demonstrated, the
administration has not fought sufficiently to make sure the act was funded or provided the
11 President George W. Bush, remarks to the National Urban League Conference, Pittsburgh, PA, July 28, 2003.
12 President George W. Bush, remarks at ceremony honoring presidential scholars, Washington, D.C., June 25,
2001.
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guidance necessary for successful implementation. Moreover, education experts fear that the
school sanctions associated with failure to comply with NCLB will have a disparate impact on
minority students. Students in the lowest performing schools, which are primarily in low-income
and minority communities, will not have the same opportunities to succeed. Those schools will
be under the greatest pressure to improve, increasing the risk of student punishment for the
system’s failures. Thus, this public call for equal education for all was not matched by action.
Defining Civil Rights Through Diversity
The President uses the term “diversity” frequently, usually in a general way referring to
American ideals and not specific programs.13 He also does so to the exclusion of discussions on
civil rights, as if the former is a substitute for the latter. For example, during an Asian Pacific
American Heritage Month proclamation, he noted: “Diversity represents one of our greatest
strengths, and we must strive to ensure that all Americans have the opportunity to reach their full
potential.”14 Likewise, in announcing the African American History Month Celebration in 2003,
President Bush stated, “By promoting diversity, understanding, and opportunity, we will
continue our efforts to build a society where every person, of every race, can realize the promise
of America.”15
This statement, although in isolation a seemingly bold expression of support for equal
opportunity, was made the same month the administration filed a brief opposing university
policies that allow race to be considered as one factor to promote diversity in college admissions
(see chapter 3). Specifically, the President characterized University of Michigan admissions
policies as “clearly unconstitutional means to achieve diversity” and called for “race-neutral”
policies despite overwhelming evidence that such methods do not result in diversity.16 President
Bush verbalized his position that such policies violate the Constitution, but for political reasons,
he at the same time professed support for diversity.
In a less publicized, but related action, the Bush administration has stopped making available to
researchers and the public statistical information on the race, ethnicity, gender, and job
13 For the purpose of this report, the term “diversity” is defined as a pool of characteristics, including but not limited
to race, ethnicity, gender, age, religion, life experience, beliefs, etc. It is most frequently used in the context of the
workforce and higher education. While there is no legal standard or requirement for diversity, the Supreme Court
has found it to be a “compelling government interest.” See Grutter v. Bollinger, et al., 539 U.S. 306 (2003).
14 President George W. Bush, “Proclamation 7434, Asian/Pacific American Heritage Month,” May 7, 2001.
15 President George W. Bush, “Proclamation 7645: National African American History Month, 2003,” Jan. 31, 2003.
16 President George W. Bush, remarks following a meeting with economists and an exchange with reporters,
Washington, D.C., Jan. 21, 2003. For analysis of race-neutral alternatives to admissions see U.S. Commission on
Civil Rights, Beyond Percentage Plans: The Challenge of Equal Opportunity in Higher Education, staff report,
November 2002; The Civil Rights Project, Harvard University, Percent Plans in College Admissions: A
Comparative Analysis of Three States’ Experiences, February 2003; The Civil Rights Project, Harvard University,
Appearance and Reality in the Sunshine State: The Talented 20 Program in Florida, February 2003; Marta Tienda
et al., Closing the Gap? Admissions & Enrollments at the Texas Public Flagships Before and After Affirmative
Action, January 2003; and Tomàs Rivera Policy Institute, The Reality of Race Neutral Admissions for Minority
Students at the University of California: Turning the Tide or Turning Them Away? March 2003.
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classification of employees at the nation’s largest companies.17 The Equal Employment
Opportunity Commission (EEOC) had made such data available for more than 30 years, and it
was used by government agencies conducting compliance reviews and complaint investigations,
plaintiffs in discrimination suits, and employers seeking to develop diverse workforces.18 It has
also served as a starting point for uncovering patterns of employment discrimination. Without it,
workplace equality cannot be widely and uniformly measured, nor can employers appropriately
gauge their outreach efforts. By withholding the data, EEOC and the administration have
minimized its significance and compromised the most comprehensive indicator of national
workforce diversity.
Thus, the President has made conflicting statements, and his espoused support for diversity
contradicts the administration’s actions. To speak about the importance of diversity without
acknowledging the role of affirmative action or the need for comprehensive data is to disregard
the remaining vestiges of discrimination. Moreover, the President seems to deliberately, and in a
highly disciplined manner, alter public discourse by expressing diversity and civil rights as
interchangeable concepts. He talks about diversity to the exclusion of enforcement or ways to
strengthen protections. Although a worthwhile goal, diversity does not necessarily translate into
support for civil rights, as illustrated by the staffing of this administration (discussed below). By
conflating the terms, the President minimizes the persistence of discrimination and the remaining
barriers to equal opportunity, which are at the center of civil rights.
Inclusive Outreach and Dialogue
Historically, civil rights policy has drawn momentum from external actors, including grassroots
and religious activists, lawmakers, academicians, and advocacy groups. The Commission thus
identified as a key indicator of the administration’s commitment its willingness to develop a
strategy in collaboration with civil rights leaders and representatives from affected communities.
Rarely during his first three years in office did President Bush speak at meetings of civil rights
organizations.19 As a candidate in 2000, President Bush gave a speech at the NAACP’s national
convention, but during his first three years in office, did not attend the group’s meetings or call
its leaders to the White House to confer with him. Nor has he engaged the NAACP in policy
conversations, breaking a tradition that began under President Warren G. Harding and had been
carried on by 11 consecutive Presidents beginning with Franklin D. Roosevelt and ending with
Clinton.20 The NAACP president has requested several White House meetings, but the President
17 Private companies with 100 or more employees and government contractors with 50 or more employees must file
Standard form 100 (or EEO-1) with the EEOC no later than September 30 of each year, as required by section
709(c) of Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. See U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, “2004
EEO-1 Survey,” (last accessed July 19, 2004).
18 Joseph Sellers, partner, Cohen, Milstein, Hausfeld, & Toll, LLP, statement before the U.S. Commission on Civil
Rights, Washington, D.C., Dec. 12, 2003, transcript, pp. 73–75; see also Alfred Blumrosen, Thomas A. Cowan
Professor of Law Emeritus, and Ruth Blumrosen, adjunct professor of law, Rutgers University, statements before the
U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, Washington, D.C., Dec. 12, 2003, transcript pp. 115–20.
19 Among those he did address are the Urban League, a caucus of Hispanic leaders, a group of women business
owners, the American Jewish Committee, and the Hispano Chamber of Commerce of Albuquerque.
20 Deb Reichmann, “President is not Targeting Liberal Blacks, Say Political Analysts,” Ethnic Newswatch, Aug. 13,
2004, p. 1 (hereafter cited as Reichmann, “President is not Targeting Liberal Blacks”); “NAACP Leaders Blast
Staff Draft September 2004
13
has not obliged.21 President Bush and several top advisors also declined to attend annual
conferences of the National Council of La Raza, a Hispanic civil rights advocacy group.22
Likewise, President Bush has not brought together a broad coalition of notable or acknowledged
civil rights groups or leaders to the White House to advise him on policy, despite the effective
use of this strategy by former administrations. For instance, the chair of the Leadership
Conference on Civil Rights Compliance and Enforcement Committee and executive director of
the National Asian Pacific American Legal Consortium noted that minority groups have had
difficulty gaining access to the Bush White House.23 The Congressional Black Caucus met with
President Bush shortly after he took office, but was denied numerous subsequent requests for
meetings.24 Not only would such meetings represent gestures of cooperation and support, but
also would demonstrate that the President values advice from various constituencies.
In short, the President does not present a focused civil rights agenda, and his public statements
offer a limited expression of commitment. He does not speak frequently about civil rights
policies, and usually when he does, it is in reference to his faith-based initiative, which chapter 5
will demonstrate actually erodes such rights. He seems to place no value on including civil rights
leaders in policy discussions or soliciting input from anyone other than his own close circles, and
even then only those who share his views. For example, when asked during a press conference
why he had not accepted invitations to meet with NAACP leaders and how he would respond to
criticisms that his record on civil rights is weak, President Bush replied: “There I was, sitting
around the table with foreign leaders, looking at Colin Powell and Condi Rice,” referencing two
African American members of his Cabinet.25 This reply not only misses the point about the
importance of collaboration, but assumes that accomplishments such as Cabinet diversity,
although important, are a substitute for a comprehensive civil rights agenda. Ironically, the
President offers these two individuals as evidence of his commitment to civil rights, but as will
be discussed, he does not hold their civil rights opinions, such as their stance on affirmative
action, in high regard.
Bush, Three Democrats for Missing Candidate Forum,” The Bulletin’s Frontrunner, July 15, 2003; “Bush and the
NAACP,” Ethnic Newswatch, vol. 86, no. 29, p. 4A.
21 Reichmann, “President is not Targeting Liberal Blacks”; NAACP, “NAACP Leaders Challenge the President and
Congress to Seek Common Ground at the 92nd Annual NAACP Meeting,” press release, Feb. 17, 2001.
22 Armando Villafranca, “Hispanic Leader Bashes Bush; Advocate: He’s Losing Our Vote,” Houston Chronicle,
July 15, 2003, p. A13.
23 Wayne Washington and Susan Milligan, “Minorities Say Bush is Falling Short; Diverse Staff Not Seen as
Enough,” Boston Globe, July 6, 2003, citing Karen K. Narasaki, president and executive director, National Asian
Pacific American Legal Consortium and chair of the Leadership Conference on Civil Rights Compliance and
Enforcement Committee.
24 Deb Reichmann, “NAACP Still Seeking Meeting with Bush,” Associated Press, July 27, 2003. President Bush
met with members of the Congressional Black Caucus in February 2004 to discuss the volatile political situation in
Haiti. See The White House, “Digest of Other White House Announcements,” vol. 40, no. 9 (Mar. 1, 2004),
.
25 President George W. Bush, The President’s News Conference, July 8, 2002. The President was referring to
Secretary of State Colin Powell and National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice, two prominent African Americans
in his administration.
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14
DIVERSITY IN THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT
The federal government employs more than 2.7 million people, 2.6 million of whom work in the
executive branch.26 The federal obligation to diversity is important for many reasons, perhaps
foremost to serve as a model for private employers and because of the effect it can have on the
workforce due to the number of people it employs. As for federal managers and executives,
according to the U.S. General Accounting Office (GAO):
Diversity can bring a wider variety of perspectives and approaches to bear on policy
development and implementation, strategic planning, problem solving, and decision
making and can be an organizational strength that contributes to achieving results.27
Federal managers and executives must maintain a commitment to the civil rights of both
government employees and the public they serve.
The importance that the administration places on diversity in the career civil service ranks, those
who carry out the government’s mission, also is critical. Career federal workers fulfill the
objectives of the agencies they serve and, in many ways, are the implementers of the
administration’s policies and operators of federal programs. Regulations that agencies offer for
public comment before finalization and internal procedures that they write are critical to policy
continuity and its aggregated impact.28 Furthermore, offices that enforce statutory provisions like
Titles VI and VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 must be expert in and committed to civil rights
laws.29 Thus, the Commission examined federal workforce diversity, both in absolute terms as
well as in relation to prior administrations.
The following discussion will document that, in terms of numbers, the federal workforce is
diverse; it looks more like America than ever before. However, in the career service, plurality
fades as a function of level, resulting in disproportionately low minority and female
representation among supervisors, managers, and executives. Although President Bush has
commendably diversified his Cabinet, his success with respect to high-level appointments has
focused on racial, ethnic, and gender diversity, not necessarily civil rights commitment. The
same can be said of his judicial nominations.
Judicial Nominations
For more than 50 years, federal courts have been instrumental in eliminating segregation,
protecting rights, and prosecuting discrimination. Through judicial nominations, a President can
26 Figure is as of Sept. 30, 2002, the most recent available. U.S. Office of Personnel Management, The Fact Book
2003 Edition: Federal Civilian Workforce Statistics, p. 8 (hereafter cited as OPM, The Fact Book).
27 U.S. General Accounting Office, Senior Executive Service: Enhanced Agency Efforts Needed to Improve Diversity
as the Senior Corps Turns Over, January 2003, p. 1 (hereafter cited as GAO, Senior Executive Service). Effective
July 7, 2004, the U.S. General Accounting Office changed its name to the U.S. Government Accountability Office.
The former is used in this report because it is the name under which the references cited were published.
28 Hugh Davis Graham, Civil Rights and the Presidency (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), p. 8 (hereafter
cited as Graham, Civil Rights and the Presidency).
29 Civil Rights Act of 1964, Pub. L. No. 88-352, 78 Stat. 241 (codified as amended at 42 U.S.C. §§ 1971, 1975a–
1975d, 2000a–2000h-6 (2000)).
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15
influence public policy and national affairs for years after leaving office.30 Thus, a President’s
selection of nominees who will uphold and strengthen civil rights protections is critical. In that
regard, many view judicial diversity as necessary because it increases support for enforcement of
civil rights laws. According to one legal scholar, “diversity on the bench is key to promoting the
sort of mutual understanding that produces the best results in civil rights cases.”31 Moreover,
because they lack sufficient voting power to influence the legislative and executive branches,
racial, religious, and other minorities must often rely on the judiciary to protect their interests.32
Diversity on the bench, coupled with a judicial commitment to civil rights, is one way to ensure
that their interests and rights are protected.
Historically, however, the federal court system has not reflected the growing diversity of the
nation. President Carter made the first real effort to end discrimination that had resulted in
homogenization of the bench; he nominated 41 women (15.7 percent) and 55 African Americans
to the federal judiciary.33 Only 8.3 percent of President Reagan’s nominations were women, and
he appointed fewer African Americans than any President since the Eisenhower administration.34
President Bush Sr. nominated more female district court judges than any of his predecessors,
18.7 percent. With respect to racial and ethnic diversity, President Bush Sr. exceeded President
Reagan, but not President Carter.35 President Clinton made history by appointing more female
and minority judges to the lower courts than any other President, a distinction his presidency still
holds. During his first term, 30 percent of his appointees were women, and 28 percent were
minorities.36 By the end of his term, the number of female and minority judges had nearly
doubled.37
President Bush has demonstrated a commitment to parity beyond any other President of his
party, although not nearly as strong as his predecessor. In announcing his first 11 judicial
nominees in May 2001, President Bush emphasized that “they come from diverse backgrounds,
and will bring a wide range of experience to the bench.”38 Of his first 11 nominees, six (54.5
percent) were either people of color or women.39 However, this diverse record slowed with
subsequent nominations. Of the 174 Bush nominations confirmed by July 2004 for whom
biographical information is available, 20.7 percent are women and 19.0 percent are minorities.
30 Elliot E. Slotnick, “Federal Judicial Selection in the New Millennium: Prologue,” University of California–Davis
Law Review, vol. 36 (February 2003), p. 589.
31 Theresa M. Beiner, “What Will Diversity on the Bench Mean for Justice?” Michigan Journal of Gender and Law,
vol. 6 (1999), p. 113 (hereafter cited as Beiner, “Diversity on the Bench”).
32 Fay Clayton and Elyssa Balingit Winslow, Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law, “The Role of the
Senate in Judicial Nominations: Evaluating Judicial Philosophy and Ideology,” June 2003, p. 2.
33 Beiner, “Diversity on the Bench.”
34 Ibid.
35 Ibid.
36 Ibid.
37 USCCR, A Bridge to One America, pp. 22–23.
38 The White House, “Remarks by the President During Federal Judicial Appointees Announcement,” May 9, 2001,
.
39 Wayne Washington, “Bush Nominates 11 to Serve on Federal Bench; Names Include a Clinton Choice for Fourth
Circuit,” Boston Globe, May 10, 2001, p. A3.
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Of those, 8.0 percent are African American and 10.3 percent are Hispanic. Only one Asian
Pacific American, but no Native American, has been nominated and confirmed during this
administration.40 Moreover, as the following examples illustrate, race and gender alone do not
guarantee support for civil rights. Some of President Bush’s nonminority nominees hold views
that would limit the scope and strength of civil rights laws, as do some of his minority and
female nominees.
Changing the Nomination Process
President Bush’s first action on judicial nominations was to change the selection process. In
March 2001, the administration terminated the longstanding relationship between the American
Bar Association (ABA) and the White House Counsel’s Office. For 50 years, ABA had advised
Presidents on the qualifications of judicial nominees for service.41 White House Counsel Albert
Gonzales wrote to ABA’s president informing her that the administration did not wish to grant a
“quasi-official role to a group such as the ABA that takes public positions on divisive political,
legal and social issues that come before the courts.”42 In a news conference following the White
House announcement, the ABA president expressed concern that “the role of politics may be
taking the place of professionalism in choosing judges.”43 Some newspapers and civil rights
advocacy groups voiced opposition to the decision and said that removing ABA could have a
negative effect on civil rights law enforcement.44
The Bush administration’s move to eliminate ABA’s role presaged fierce partisan rancor over
the President’s nominees. One commentator cites the President’s campaign promise to effect an
ideological transformation of the federal judiciary as the reason for increased politicization.45
The judicial nomination process has historically been subject to political connection and
ideological compatibility to the party in power. However, critics attribute the recent
contentiousness to nominees’ views, which they consider so far out of the mainstream that they
would eviscerate enforcement of federal civil rights laws.46
40 Calculations are based on data obtained from the Federal Judicial Center, History of the Federal Judiciary,
. As of July, 14, 2004, 198 judges had been confirmed, but biographical data
was pending for 24.
41 Neil Lewis, “White House Ends Bar Association’s Role in Screening Federal Judges,” New York Times, Mar. 22,
2001, p. A13.
42 Ibid.
43 Ibid.
44 Institute for Democracy Studies, “Institute for Democracy Studies Sounds Alarm on Bush’s ABA Decision,” PR
Newswire, Mar. 23, 2001; People for the American Way, “President Bush, the Senate and the Federal Judiciary:
Unprecedented Situation Calls for Unprecedented Solution,” Fall 2001,
; “Blocking Judicial Ideologues,” New York Times, Apr.
27, 2001, p. A24; “Bush Invites Partisanship on Judicial Selections,” Virginian-Pilot, Mar. 26, 2001, p. B12.
45 Jeffrey Toobin, “Advice and Dissent; The Fight Over the President’s Judicial Nominations,” New Yorker, May 26,
2003, p. 42.
46 Leadership Conference on Civil Rights, “What’s at Stake—Bush’s Nominations to the U.S. Court of Appeals,”
Mar. 12, 2003, .
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17
Nominees Whose Civil Rights Records Have Been Challenged
Because federal judges have the power to interpret and establish precedent upon which future
case law can be based, and because they serve life terms, their civil rights views are critical. Civil
rights organizations and leadership have objected to and launched campaigns against several of
President Bush’s nominees, claiming that the administration is trying to pack the judiciary with
anti-civil rights ideologues.47 Supporters of the President’s nominations, on the other hand, assert
that their views have been misrepresented and accuse opponents of racializing the process and
using the religious beliefs of nominees against them.48 They also argue that the failure to approve
some of President Bush’s nominees reflects the growing partisanship in Congress and election
year politicking. However, as the following discussion will illustrate, the Senate has rejected
only those with the most controversial civil rights records.
Charles Pickering Sr. for Fifth Circuit U.S. Court of Appeals
On January 7, 2003, President Bush renominated Charles Pickering Sr. for a U.S. Appeals Court
post, after the Senate Judiciary Committee voted him down the previous year.49 Of particular
concern to civil rights advocates was a 1994 case in which Pickering actively sought a reduced
sentence for a man convicted of cross burning, a widely used hate group intimidation tactic. At
one point Pickering referred to the act as a “youthful prank,” diminishing its symbolic
representation of race baiting and hatred.50 Pickering took the further step of contacting a friend
at the Department of Justice during the trial to try to get the offender’s sentence reduced, a move
considered unethical by several legal experts.51
Pickering has also argued for a more narrow application of the Voting Rights Act and suggested
that, generally, discrimination cases have no bases. He has also been criticized for his votes in
the Mississippi legislature, early in his career, to support funding for an organization established
to resist court-ordered desegregation after the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision.52
Many civil rights organizations, including every chapter of the NAACP in Mississippi, the
national NAACP, and the Magnolia Bar Association (Mississippi’s African American bar
association) opposed his confirmation. However, some also praised the nomination, including
Charles Evers, the brother of slain civil rights leader Medgar Evers, who said that Pickering has
47 Ori Nir, “Groups Aim to Torpedo President’s Judge Pick; Pryor Opposed on Church-State,” Ethnic Newswatch,
vol. CVI, no. 31 (May 16, 2003), p. 1 (hereafter cited as Nir, “Groups Aim to Torpedo President’s Judge Pick”).
48 Rep. John Cornyn (R-TX), “Restoring Our Broken Judicial Confirmation Process,” Texas Review of Law and
Politics, vol. 8 (Fall 2003), pp. 3–4 (hereafter cited as Cornyn, “Restoring Our Broken Judicial Confirmation
Process”).
49 Joan Biskupic, “President Repeats Choice for Judge Job,” USA Today, Jan. 8, 2003, p. 3A.
50 R. Jeffrey Smith, “Judge’s Fate Could Turn On 1994 Case; Pickering Fought to Reduce Sentence for Cross-
Burning,” Washington Post, May 27, 2003, p. A1.
51 Jennifer A. Dlouhy, “GOP to Use Pickering Debate to Criticize Democrats,” CQ Today, Oct. 27, 2003, p. 13
(hereafter cited as Dlouhy, “GOP to Use Pickering”); Alliance for Justice, “Judicial Selection in the First Two Years
of the George W. Bush Administration,” spring 2003, , p. 26.
52 Dlouhy, “GOP to Use Pickering”; Jennifer A. Dlouhy, “Wavering Democratic Senators Urged to Block
Pickering,” CQ Today, Oct. 30, 2003, p. 16.
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an “admirable record on civil rights issues.”53 Supporters also argue that, as a federal district
court judge, Pickering was lenient in cases involving drug offenders who were black, and note
that in 1966 he testified against a Ku Klux Klan member charged with murdering civil rights
leader Vernon Dahmer.54 But civil rights advocates and some members of Congress are
convinced that Pickering would continue to narrow civil rights laws if given the opportunity to
serve on the appellate court.
On October 2, 2003, Pickering was approved by the Senate Judiciary Committee—all 10
Republicans voted in favor and nine Democrats voted against—but Democrats stalled with a
filibuster in the Senate.55 On January 16, 2004, President Bush bypassed Senate approval and
used his recess appointment powers to seat Pickering. Because it was a recess appointment,
Pickering will serve until January 2005, when a new session of Congress begins, rather than for a
life term, as is generally the case with judicial appointments.56
The President’s action drew immediate fury from civil rights leaders, and many organizations
viewed it as an affront.57 Members of the Congressional Black Caucus characterized the timing
of the President’s appointment, made one day after he had visited the memorial site of Dr. Martin
Luther King Jr. with the slain leader’s widow, as “a disgrace to the memory of Dr. King” and
reflecting “utter disdain for civil rights.”58 Representative Elijah Cummings stated that the recess
53 Cornyn, “Restoring Our Broken Judicial Confirmation Process,” p. 33.
54 Dlouhy, “GOP to Use Pickering”; Nat Hentoff, “The Real Judge Charles Pickering; As Shown By Mike Wallace,”
Washington Times, Apr. 26, 2004, p. A21.
55 Helen Dewar, “Panel Backs Pickering for Appellate Bench,” Washington Post, Oct. 3, 2003, p. A21; Charles
Hurt, “GOP Plans to Push on Bush Court Nominations,” Washington Times, Oct. 12, 2003, p. A3 (hereafter cited as
Hurt, “GOP Plans to Push on Bush”); Ritu Kelotra, “Confirmation of Pickering Defeated,” Oct. 31, 2003,
; Nick Anderson, “Senators Pull an
All-Nighter Over Judicial Confirmations; The GOP Plans to Protest the Use of Filibusters to Stall 4 Nominees.
Democrats Point to 168 Bush Picks Who Were Confirmed,” Los Angeles Times, Nov. 13, 2003, p. 21 (hereafter
cited as Anderson, “Senators Pull an All-Nighter”).
56 Jennifer A. Dlouhy, “Pickering Court Appointment May Presage Even More Divisiveness on Nominations,” CQ
Today, Jan. 20, 2004, p. 15; Stephen Henderson, “President Installs Controversial Judge,” Miami Herald, Jan. 17,
2004, p. A3.
57 President George W. Bush, statement regarding the recess appointment of Charles Pickering, Jan. 16, 2004,
(last accessed Jan. 23, 2004); Mike Allen
and Helen Dewar, “Bush Bypasses Senate On Judge,” Washington Post, Jan. 17, 2004, p. A1 (hereafter cited as
Allen, “Bush Bypasses Senate”); “End Run for Mr. Pickering,” Washington Post, Jan. 17, 2004, p. A24; “Poor
Judicial Choice,” Miami Herald, Jan. 20, 2004, p. A16; Charles Hurt, “Bush Names Judge Despite Filibuster,”
Washington Times, Jan. 17, 2004, p. A1 (hereafter cited as Hurt, “Bush Names Judge”); Ritu Kelotra, “President
Invites Judges Controversy as New Session Begins,” saveourcourts.org, Jan. 21, 2004,
(last accessed Jan. 22, 2004) (hereafter
cited as Kelotra, “President Invites Controversy”); Paul Krugman, “Going for Broke,” New York Times, Jan. 20,
2004, p. A19; Neal Lewis, “Bush Seats Judge After Long Fight,” New York Times, Jan. 17, 2004, p. A1; Paul
Schwartzman and Jonathan Finer, “Clark Vows to Protect Black Electorate,” Washington Post, Jan. 20, 2004, p. A8.
58 James Wright, “Pickering Appointment Angers CBC,” The Baltimore Afro-American, vol. 112, no. 24, p. 1 (Jan.
30, 2004) (hereafter cited as Wright, “Pickering Appointment Angers CBC”). See also Kelotra, “President Invites
Controversy”; Julian Bond, chairman, NAACP, statement before the Campaign for America’s Future, “Take Back
America” Conference, June 2, 2004, as published by Federal News Service; J. Zamgba Browne, “Rev. Jackson: To
Honor Dr. King, Bush Appoints Anti-Black Pickering to Federal Judgeship?” Ethnic Newswatch, vol. 95, no. 4, p. 3
(Jan. 28, 2003), quoting the Reverend Jesse Jackson and Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton.
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19
appointment was “yet one more attempt by the Bush administration to turn back the clock on the
rights and freedoms that countless Americans marched and died for over the last 40 years.”59
Other commentators contend that the President’s decision to appoint Pickering above all other
pending nominations, despite that African Americans had reason to oppose it more than any
other, was intended to send a political and philosophical message about his disregard for civil
rights.60
William H. Pryor Jr. for 11th Circuit U.S. Court of Appeals
After President Bush nominated Alabama Attorney General William Pryor for the 11th Circuit
Court of Appeals on April 9, 2003, several civil rights groups quickly announced their
disagreement.61 Their opposition was based on Pryor’s legal view, which critics perceive to be so
narrow as to severely hamper federal enforcement of civil rights laws. During his tenure as
Alabama’s attorney general, Pryor used litigation, amicus curiae briefs, and public speeches as
tools to advocate limiting protections against discrimination.62 Civil rights advocates note that, in
the past, Pryor advocated the repeal or modification of a provision of the Voting Rights Act,
urged the Supreme Court to bar state employees from suing for damages under the Americans
with Disabilities Act, filed a brief opposing the Violence Against Women Act, and described the
Court’s decision to order the Virginia Military Institution to cease discrimination against women
as “political correctness for decisionmaking.”63
Religious organizations argue that Pryor has a troubling record on issues of religious freedom,
supports prayer in school, and has used his public office to advance the concept of America as a
Christian nation, excluding those of other faiths.64 Other commentators have pointed to Pryor’s
record as evidence of “extremism and disdain for the legal rights of many Americans” rendering
59 Rep. Elijah E. Cummings, chair, Congressional Black Caucus, “Statement of CBC Chairman Elijah Cummings on
the Misguided Recess Appointment of Charles Pickering to the Federal Bench,” Jan. 16, 2004
(last accessed July 13, 2004).
60 Wright, “Pickering Appointment Angers CBC,” quoting Sherrilyn Ifill, associate professor, University of
Maryland School of Law.
61 The White House, “Presidential Nomination William H. Pryor,” Apr. 9, 2002,
(last accessed Sept. 24, 2004); “Coalition Declares Nominee
William Pryor Unfit for Seat on 11th Circuit Court of Appeals,” U.S. Newswire, June 9, 2003; Jonathan Ringel,
“11th Circuit Nominee Draws Instant Criticism,” The Legal Intelligencer, vol. 228, no. 71 (Apr. 14, 2003), p. 4
(hereafter cited as Ringel, “11th Circuit Nominee Draws Instant Criticism”; Bill Rankin, “Pryor, Another
Contentious Bush Nominee, Faces Hearing,” Atlanta Journal-Constitution, June 11, 2003, p. 3A.
62 Leadership Conference on Civil Rights, “In Eleven-Day Recess, President Sidesteps Confirmation Process
Again,” Feb. 24, 2004, (last accessed
May 10, 2004) (hereafter cited as LCCR, “President Sidesteps Confirmation Process Again”). See also Nir, “Groups
Aim to Torpedo President’s Judge Pick.”
63 People for the American Way, “Report of People for the American Way in Opposition to the Confirmation of
William H. Pryor Jr. to the United States Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit,” June 10, 2003, p. 21; Rhonda
Cook, “Black Leaders in State Divided Over Bill Pryor,” Atlanta Journal-Constitution, July 31, 2003, p. 8A; Mary
Orndorff, “Pryor’s Record on Race a Bipartisan Topic,” Birmingham News, June 16, 2003.
64 Interfaith Alliance, “Alabama Attorney General Bill Pryor Poses Threat to Religious Liberty,” U.S. Newswire,
July 23, 2003; “Two Jewish Groups Oppose Pryor for 11th Circuit,” Associated Press State and Local Wire, May
17, 2003; Ringel, “11th Circuit Nominee Draws Instant Criticism.”
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20
him unsuited for service as a federal judge.65 Senate aides from both parties said that Pryor has
“perhaps the most controversial views of any nominee who has come up for confirmation during
Bush’s presidency.”66
The Senate Judiciary Committee approved Pryor on July 23, 2003, but again, the confirmation
was held up in the Senate.67 In February 2004, however, President Bush sidestepped the
nomination process again and placed Pryor on the bench using a recess appointment.68 Once
again, the President ignored opposition from civil rights groups. Even conservative supporters of
President Bush viewed the recess appointment as an administration effort to appease them for his
inaction in other areas, such as same-sex marriage and an illegal immigrant amnesty proposal
(both are discussed in greater detail in chapter 4).69
Priscilla Owen for Fifth Circuit U.S. Court of Appeals
President Bush first nominated Texas Supreme Court Justice Priscilla Owen during the 107th
Congress. She received a hearing before the Senate Judiciary Committee, which eventually
declined her nomination.70 In early January 2003, a coalition of civil rights groups wrote a letter
to President Bush, urging him not to renominate Justice Owen, in part because her opinions
“reveal a troubling hostility to discrimination and employee rights.”71 Another observer noted
that “her judicial record suggests strongly that she lacks a commitment to equal access to justice
for all.”72
One civil rights group cited a case in which her narrow interpretation of a statute permitted age
discrimination, despite the fact that the majority of the Texas Supreme Court found the statute
“unambiguous” in banning age discrimination.73 Commentators note that, even on the
conservative Texas Supreme Court, Owen is far to the right of mainstream. White House
Counsel Alberto Gonzales, a former state supreme court associate, once described Owen’s
65 “Beyond the Pale,” New York Times, June 23, 2003, p. A20; see also Jannell McGrew, “Civil Rights Veterans
Denounce Pryor,” Montgomery (Alabama) Advertiser, May 7, 2003, p. A1.
66 Mike Allen, “Judicial Nominee Admits Mistake,” Washington Post, June 12, 2003, p. A37. See also Jeremy
Leaming, “Pryor’s Problems: Federal Appeals Court Nominee with Record of Hostility to Church-State Separation
Becomes Mired in Senate Debate,” Church and State, vol. 56, no. 8 (Sept. 1, 2003), p. 10.
67 Hurt, “GOP Plans to Push on Bush.”
68 LCCR, “President Sidesteps Confirmation Process Again.”
69 William Douglas, “Bush Appoints Opposed Judge,” Miami Herald, Feb. 21, 2004, quoting Paul Weyrich, chair,
Free Congress Foundation.
70 Chuck Lindell, “Senators Reject Owen for Appeals Court Seat,” Austin American-Statesman, Sept. 6, 2002, p. A1.
71 Texas Ad Hoc Coalition on Judicial Nominees, “Open Letter to President Bush re: Justice Owen,” Jan. 2, 2003,
; see also Jonathan Groner, “Committee Rejects 5th
Circuit Hopeful,” The Legal Intelligencer, vol. 226, no. 48 (Sept. 6, 2002), p. 4.
72 Alliance for Justice, “Texas Supreme Court Justice Priscilla Owen Nominee to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the
Fifth Circuit,” n.d., p. 1 (hereafter cited as Alliance for Justice, “Priscilla Owen Nominee”); see also Kevin Herrera,
“Black Congress, NAACP Pass Judgment on Judicial Appointments,” Ethnic Newswatch, vol. 67, no. 24 (Sept. 11,
2002), p. 9.
73 People for the American Way, “Why the Senate Judiciary Committee Was Right to Reject the Confirmation of
Priscilla Owen to the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit,” Jan. 23, 2003, p. 11.
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21
attempt to legislate from the bench in a case involving reproductive rights as “an unconscionable
act of judicial activism.”74
Nearly 40 organizations, including the NAACP, the Mexican American Legal Defense and
Educational Fund, the National Women’s Law Center, the National Council of Jewish Women,
and the National Employment Lawyers Association, oppose Owen’s nomination.75 Despite these
objections, President Bush renominated her. In April 2003, the Senate Judiciary Committee
approved Owen, but she has yet to receive a vote before the full Senate.76
Jeffrey Sutton for Sixth Circuit U.S. Court of Appeals
The Senate confirmed Jeffrey Sutton to the Sixth Circuit Court of Appeals over the protestations
of more than 70 national groups and 375 regional, state, and local organizations, including the
NAACP, the National Organization on Disability, among other disability rights groups, and
environmental justice organizations.77 These groups expressed concern that Sutton’s legal views
would curtail Congress’ ability to enforce federal protections against discrimination.78 He has
argued against allowing private individuals to sue to enforce the disparate impact regulations of
Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, and for placing limitations on the ability of state
employees who are victims of age discrimination to recover damages.79
Disability rights groups objected to comments Sutton made about the Americans with
Disabilities Act (ADA), which, in an oral argument before the Supreme Court, he stated was
essentially not needed because there are state laws that protect the rights of persons with
disabilities. He argued furthermore that ADA prohibitions should not apply to state governments
despite overwhelming evidence of discrimination by state actors.80 Advocates for the disabled
further contended that Sutton attempted to dismantle core protections for persons with
disabilities and “would make a mockery of many of the critical rights for which individuals with
disabilities have fought so hard.”81 Likewise, environmental justice groups claimed that Sutton is
74 Alliance for Justice, “Priscilla Owen Nominee,” p. 17, citing In re Jane Doe 1 (II), 19 S.W.3d 365 (Tex. 2000).
75 See, e.g., NAACP, “NAACP Supports Senate Rejection of Owen Nomination,” press release, Sept. 5, 2002,
(last accessed June 24, 2004).
76 “Democrats Block 2nd Bush Court Nominee,” Los Angeles Times, May 2, 2003, part I, p. 22.
77 See, e.g., Eve Hill, director, Western Law Center for Disability Rights, “Sutton Nomination Threatens to Wall Out
People with Disabilities,” Nov. 13, 2001, ; and “NAACP Slams Bush
Administration Policies,” NAACP News, Feb. 15, 2003,
(last accessed May 11, 2004).
78 Kenneth Jost, “Should the Senate Confirm Bush’s Nominees?” CQ Researcher, July 27, 2001, p. 2; Elliot M.
Mincberg, “Federal Judicial Nominations and Confirmations During the Last Two Years of the Clinton
Administration,” chapter 3 in Dianne M. Piché, William L. Taylor, and Robin A. Reed, eds., Rights at Risk: Equality
in an Age of Terrorism (Washington, D.C.: Citizens’ Commission on Civil Rights, 2002) p. 30.
79 Wade Henderson, executive director, and Dorothy I. Height, chairperson, Leadership Conference on Civil Rights,
letter to Senator Orrin G. Hatch, chair, Senate Judiciary Committee, Feb. 11, 2003, re: opposition to the
confirmation of Jeffrey Sutton.
80 University of Alabama v. Garrett, 531 U.S. 356 (2001), oral argument transcript at 13, 24.
81 The Judge David L. Bazelon Center for Mental Health Law, “Jeffrey Sutton: Taking Aim at the Rights of Persons
with Disabilities,” fact sheet, July 23, 2001,
(last accessed May 11, 2004).
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a leading advocate for limiting private causes of action against states for claims of environmental
injustices.82
Carolyn Kuhl for Ninth Circuit U.S. Court of Appeals
Another nomination that evoked criticism in the civil rights context is that of California State
Judge Carolyn Kuhl for the Ninth Circuit U.S. Court of Appeals. Objections to Kuhl’s
nomination stem primarily from her tenure as deputy solicitor general in the Reagan
administration, during which she persuaded the attorney general to argue in favor of granting
tax-exempt status to Bob Jones University, an institution that sanctioned and practiced racial
discrimination.83 In addition, she co-authored an amicus brief asserting a position that would
have made it more difficult for women to prove sexual harassment in the workplace,84 and she
attempted to restrict the remedies that courts can order in employment discrimination cases.85 For
these reasons, among others, Kuhl’s views on civil rights and equal opportunity have been
described as “outside the mainstream.”86 Kuhl’s nomination has yet to be voted upon on the
Senate floor.87
Miguel Estrada for D.C. Circuit U.S. Court of Appeals
The nomination of Miguel Estrada to the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals also was controversial.
Although his Hispanic heritage made him appealing to many who favor racial and ethnic
diversity on the bench, and even his critics acknowledged his stellar academic and professional
credentials, uncertainty about his ideology divided the Hispanic legal community.88 Estrada did
not reveal his views on landmark Supreme Court decisions, and the White House refused to
answer questions about his judicial philosophy or release memos he wrote during his tenure in
the solicitor general’s office in the Bush Sr. administration.89 The Hispanic National Bar
Association and the League of United Latin American Citizens both called upon the Senate to
82 Community Rights Counsel, “Jeffrey Sutton: A Threat to the Constitution and Fundamental Environmental
Protections,” Apr. 2, 2003, (last accessed
May 11, 2004).
83 Wade Henderson, executive director, and Dorothy I. Height, chairperson, Leadership Conference on Civil Rights,
letter to Senator Orrin G. Hatch, chair, Senate Judiciary Committee, Mar. 31, 2003, re: opposition to the
confirmation of Carolyn Kuhl (hereafter cited as Henderson and Height letter), citing Bob Jones University v.
United States, 461 U.S. 574 (1983); see also Susan Milligan, “GOP Leader’s Woes Wound His Party, Apology
Doesn’t Silence Critics,” Boston Globe, Dec. 15, 2002, p. A18.
84 Meritor Savings Bank v. Vinson, 477 U.S. 57 (1986).
85 Local 28 of the Sheet Metal Workers’ Int’l Ass’n v. EEOC, 478 U.S. 421 (1986).
86 Henderson and Height letter, p. 2.
87 Helen Dewar, “Action on Energy, Medicare Critical to GOP Scorecard,” Washington Post, Oct. 27, 2003, p. A17;
Anderson, “Senators Pull an All-Nighter.”
88 Alliance for Justice, “Judicial Selection in the First Two Years,” p. 32; Tony Mauro, “Hispanic Groups Divided
Over Estrada Nomination,” Legal Times, Sept. 23, 2002, p. 1.
89 Julie Hirschfeld Davis, “Estrada Withdraws as Nominee for Bench,” Baltimore Sun, Sept. 5, 2003, p. 1A; The
White House, “President’s Statement on Miguel Estrada,” Sept. 4, 2003,
; Hurt, “GOP Plans to Push on Bush.”
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confirm Estrada,90 while 15 past presidents of the Hispanic National Bar Association, the Puerto
Rican Legal Defense and Educational Fund, numerous other Hispanic groups, and the
Leadership Conference on Civil Rights opposed the nomination.91
One conservative advocacy group supporting President Bush’s judicial nominations conducted a
survey of Hispanics that demonstrated the importance they place on seeing their ethnicity
represented in the federal courts. The survey found that 94 percent of respondents believe it is
important that Hispanics are represented on the bench, and 80 percent believe it is important to
the Hispanic community that Estrada be confirmed by the Senate.92 However, Estrada withdrew
his nomination on September 4, 2003, after waiting more than two years for confirmation.
Janice Rogers Brown for D.C. Circuit U.S. Court of Appeals
Despite opposition from nearly 80 national organizations and more than 200 law professors and
legal academicians, President Bush nominated Janice Rogers Brown for a seat on the U.S. Court
of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit in July 2003.93 As a judge on the California Supreme Court,
Brown consistently demonstrated hostility to affirmative action, civil rights, and the rights of
disabled individuals, workers, prisoners, and women, according to the Leadership Conference on
Civil Rights.94 In an affirmative action case in California, a fellow Republican-appointed justice,
despite concurring with the result of the case, described her view as “a serious distortion of
90 League of Latin American Citizens, “LULAC Urges Senate to Confirm Miguel Estrada,” Feb. 11, 2003,
.
91 Leadership Conference on Civil Rights, “Diverse Group of Latino Leaders Unite Against Estrada Nomination,”
Mar. 4, 2003, ; Leadership Conference on
Civil Rights, “LCCR Letter to Senate Judiciary Committee Opposing Estrada Nomination,” Jan. 28, 2003,
(hereafter cited as LCCR, “Letter to Senate
Judiciary Committee”). Much of LCCR’s opposition to Estrada is based on the fact that he defended anti-loitering
statutes, which have been shown to have a disproportionately negative impact on African Americans and Latinos.
State and federal courts across the country have struck down anti-loitering statutes as unconstitutional in part
because they inhibit expression in violation of the First Amendment. LCCR, “Letter to Senate Judiciary
Committee.” Since that letter was written, the U.S. Supreme Court unanimously ruled that anti-loitering policies are
not facially invalid under the First Amendment. Virginia v. Hicks, 539 U.S. 113 (2003).
92 Committee for Justice, “2003 Survey of Hispanic Adults,” June 11, 2003,
. It should be noted that 64.6
percent of respondents were not aware that President Bush was the first President to appoint a Hispanic to the D.C.
Circuit Court of Appeals and that Estrada had not yet been confirmed. Ibid.
93 “African-American Leaders Voice Opposition to Janice Rogers Brown,” saveourcourts.org, Nov. 5, 2003,
(last accessed June 24, 2004) (hereafter cited
as “African-American Leaders Voice Opposition”); NAACP, “NAACP Calls for Senate Opposition on
Confirmation of Janice Rogers Brown to D.C. Court of Appeals,” press release, Nov. 5, 2003,
(last accessed June 24, 2004); Anderson,
“Senators Pull an All-Nighter.”
94 National Women’s Law Center, “Janice Rogers Brown: A Troubling Record on Issues of Critical Importance to
Women,” October 2003; Michelle Woolley, “Civil Rights Coalition Expresses Great Disappointment in Committee
Vote to Approve Brown Confirmation,” Nov. 6, 2003,
(hereafter cited as Woolley, “Civil
Rights Coalition”); “African-American Leaders Voice Opposition”; Anderson, “Senators Pull an All-Nighter.”
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history.”95 In that case, not only did Brown issue a lengthy opinion opposing affirmative action
programs, but she also strongly condemned Supreme Court decisions that had upheld such
programs in the public sector, even in limited circumstances.96
Several of Brown’s statements disclosed during her confirmation hearing led one former
supporter, a University of California law professor emeritus, to rescind his support.97 Brown was
criticized for engaging in “government-bashing” and presenting “extreme and outdated
ideological positions” that are “outside the mainstream of today’s constitutional law.”98 In one
speech, criticizing government programs, she stated that the federal government is “the opiate of
the masses [and a drug for] multinational corporations and single moms, for regulated industries
and Midwestern farmers and militant senior citizens.”99 The Senate Judiciary Committee
approved Judge Brown and forwarded her nomination, but it has not come up for a full vote.100
Political Appointments
An important indicator of a President’s agenda is the commitment to civil rights and level of
diversity among those he can personally select and appoint to positions of power, including
White House aides, Cabinet secretaries, attorneys general and their deputies, and the many
lower-level advisory appointees.101 In all, the President relies on nearly 4,000 political
appointees—roughly 500 of whom are in top positions—to develop and promote policies and
ensure that they are carried out by career government staff.102 A diverse administration signals to
the public that the federal government is open to the aspirations, and concerned with the wellbeing,
of all people. Although political theorists disagree on why diversity is desirable in a
democratic society, they generally agree that in order to become fully democratic, a society that
has historically denied rights to certain groups must demonstrate a commitment to including
95 Richard L. Abel, visiting professor of law, New York University Law School, et al., letter to Senator Orrin Hatch,
chair, and Senator Patrick Leahy, ranking member, Senate Judiciary Committee, Oct. 21, 2003, re: opposition to the
confirmation of Janice Rogers Brown (hereafter cited as Abel et al., letter opposing Brown), citing Hi-Voltage Wire
Works v. City of San Jose, 12 P.3d 1095 (Cal. 2000) (George, C.J. concurring).
96 Abel et al., letter opposing Brown.
97 Ritu Kelotra, “Opposition to Judicial Nominee Grows: Legal Expert Rescinds Endorsement,” Oct. 29, 2003,
.
98 Ibid.
99 Abel et al., letter opposing Brown, citing Janice Rogers Brown, “Fifty Ways to Lose Your Freedom,” speech
before the Institute for Justice, Aug. 12, 2000.
100 Karen MacPherson, “They Could Have Danced All Night; They Talked Instead,” Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, Nov.
13, 2003, p. A-1; Woolley, “Civil Rights Coalition.”
101 Graham, Civil Rights and the Presidency, p. 8.
102 This number does not include the roughly 2,800 career senior executive appointments in the federal government.
Political appointments include Presidential Appointments with Senate Confirmation (PAS), which includes Cabinet
secretaries, ambassadors, and other high-level positions; Presidential Appointments (PA) who serve on boards and
commissions and as White House staff; non-career Senior Executive Service (SES); and Schedule C Excepted
Appointments who hold midlevel positions and serve in policy-related positions or as assistants to other appointees.
U.S. Senate, Committee on Government Affairs, United States Government Policy and Supporting Positions, 106th
Cong., 2d Sess., Nov. 8, 2000, appendix 1 (hereafter cited as U.S. Senate, Policy and Supporting Positions). See also
Brookings Institution, Presidential Appointee Initiative, “Staffing a New Administration: A Guide to Personnel
Appointments in a Presidential Transition,” November 2000.
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those groups in political life.103 The rhetoric and actions of the Clinton and Bush Sr.
administrations indicate that in the last decade, political leaders have taken this ideal to heart. As
the current administration has demonstrated, however, diversity does not guarantee support for
civil rights.
Historically, progress toward a diverse Cabinet has been slow. President Roosevelt appointed the
first female Ca