DYNACORP: PIZZAGATE and the DEALERS OF DEATH

DYNACORP Infographic

NOTE: The problem with compiling this report is that almost all of the source information has been deleted and wiped from the net. There is also information I have held back and which is contained in an insurance file in the clouds due to the fact that there are horrendous ongoing acts taking place by actors connected to DYNACORP and DYNACORP itself in the Ukraine and continuing in the Balkans and also involving the influx of refugees from NATO war zones. The scope of the evil is astounding with everything ranging from organ trafficking to selling children for human sacrifice. This is a preliminary report.

ALMOST EVERY BIT OF SUPPORTING EVIDENCE HAS BEEN DELETED FROM EVERYWHERE ON THE WEB SO WE KNOW WE ARE ONTO SOMETHING!! 

Below is not MY material but some of the source material I was working on when I started this. It was deleted from the Web then reappeared then disappeared again and now has returned. Having this material on a non-US controlled server is the only way to guarantee it stays on-line.

SOURCE is a STEEMIT user named rebelskum whom we encourage to support:

https://steemit.com/news/@rebelskum/the-case-against-dyncorp-part-i-the-iran-contra-scandal

Source: "I made this visual timeline to supplement my on-going series on the abuses, crimes and shady connections of American contractor, DynCorp International."

SOURCE: This is part of an on-going series to catalogue and report major criminal and unethical activities of DynCorp. A complete collection of known findings can be found on the Pizzagate Wiki's DynCorp page.

I figured it most appropriate to start with one of DynCorp's earliest scandals. Few people know, but DynCorp played an instrumental role in the Iran/Contra Scandal of the 1980s.

The enterprise Eagle Aviation Services and Technology, Inc. –EAST-, subcontracted by DynCorp, helped lieutenant colonel Oliver North, during the Iran-Contra scandal in the 1980’s, transport weapons and munitions for the Nicaraguan Contras in their fight against the Sandinista government.

Source: Argentina's Institute for Strategic Studies and International Relations

In the 1980s, EAST and its founder, Richard Gadd, helped North, then a National Security Council official, secretly supply weapons and ammunition to Nicaragua's Contra rebels at a time that Congress had banned the government from providing lethal aid.
 

SOURCE DELETED: http://www1.hcdn.gov.ar/dependencias/ieeri/ennee/vii/tercerizacion.htm

LA TERCERIZACIÓN DE LOS CONFLICTOS
Por el Dr. Adalberto C. Agozino

En los primeros años de la Post Guerra Fría las principales potencias militares iniciaron un proceso de reducción del personal de sus fuerzas armadas. Los Estados Unidos, por ejemplo, en ese período redujeron sus efectivos militares de 2.100.000 a 1.400.000 hombres. Esta reducción acompañaba el proceso de distensión que siguió a los primeros años de la caída del Muro de Berlín, cuando se anunciaba el “fin de la historia” y algunos pensadores especulaban en con un brusco descenso del número de conflictos internacionales.

También incidió en este proceso el empleo de nuevas tecnologías, en especial de armas inteligentes operadas por un número reducido de hombres, como por ejemplos los dispositivos electrónicos de vigilancia y exploración.

Pronto fue evidente, sin embargo, que los conflictos bélicos mutaban su naturaleza pero no descendía ni en número ni en la virulencia de los enfrentamientos. Cuando el choque ideológico se transformó en choque de civilizaciones la violencia étnico – religiosa degeneró en violentos conflictos en regiones de escaso valor estratégico pero que terminaron involucrando a las potencias occidentales. Más aún, comenzaron a multiplicarse las denominadas “misiones de paz” y “actividades humanitarias” implementadas por los ejércitos que, aunque en raras ocasiones demandaban el empleo efectivo de la fuerza militar, implicaban el despliegue de numerosos contingentes militares en las más remotas geografías y su mantenimiento por períodos prolongados.

La multiplicación de sus compromisos militares globales ha obligado a varios países, pero especialmente a los Estados Unidos, a replantear el número de efectivos de sus fuerzas armadas e incluso a incrementar el reclutamiento de soldados. Pero, la incorporación de nuevos reclutas no ha sido un proceso sencillo pese a que el gobierno americano ha incrementado los incentivos económicos.

En una artículo elaborado por Rosendo Fraga, director del Centro de Estudios Nueva Mayoría, uno de los portales de análisis político más importantes de Iberoamérica, el autor nos brinda un detallado resumen de la política de reclutamiento implementada por la Administración Bush: “Los nuevos reclutadores –popularizados cinematográficamente por Michael Moore en Fahrenheit 09/11- forman una parte clave de la campaña. Para persuadir a los futuros soldados, el Ejército incrementará el número de reclutas para el servicio activo y la reserva de aproximadamente 6.000 a 7.000 para fines de año. La fuerza de los reclutadores en servicio activo aumentará de 5.111 a 6.029, y el número de reclutadores para la Reserva del Ejército aumentará de 954 a 1.062.”

“Funcionarios del Comando de Reclutamiento del Ejército dicen que las bonificaciones aumentarán a un máximo de 15.000 dólares para los soldados que estén dispuestos a registrarse para prestar servicios por tres años en ocupaciones en las que el personal escasea (más que duplicando las anteriores bonificaciones de 6.000 dólares).”

“Muchos de esos cargos se encuentran en las zonas de guerra. Los soldados pueden ganar hasta 9.000 dólares en bonificaciones, trabajando como especialistas en el suministro de petróleo y operadores en el servicio de comidas”.

“Hay también bonificaciones por nivel alcanzando: 8.000 dólares para los soldados que tengan una licenciatura, 7.000 para los que cuenten con un título otorgado después de dos años de estudios universitarios, y 6.000 para los que tengan el diploma de la escuela secundaria. Según el trabajo asignado, las bonificaciones de hasta 9.000 dólares serán pagadas a reclutas que se presentan al entrenamiento básico antes del 27 de septiembre (2004). Los civiles que tengan habilidades especiales podrán ganar una suma adicional de 3.000 dólares.”

“En los primeros meses de la guerra en Irak, el Ejército dio órdenes de impedir a las tropas partir durante la guerra. Luego aplicó las bonificaciones. A continuación, el Ejército adelantó las fechas fijadas de las tropas que debían comenzar el entrenamiento en 2005 y ofreció otros incentivos.”

“El Ejército está superando sus objetivos de reclutamiento para el 2004, a pesar de que fueron elevados de 72.500 a 77.000 efectivos, con una excepción: la Guardia Nacional del Ejército estima que sólo llegará a cumplir con el 88% de su objetivo de reclutamiento fijado para el 2004.”

Las necesidades de mayor personal militar y otras consideraciones de orden político, como la de sortear algunas de las limitaciones que el Congreso de los Estados Unidos ha impuesto al empleo de las fuerzas armadas en cierto tipo de conflictos internacionales o los problemas de posibles violaciones a los derechos humanos en ciertas operaciones militares –especialmente en las tareas de inteligencia- han llevado a las sucesivas administraciones estadounidenses a la contratación de empresas de seguridad e inteligencia, a las que se denomina “empresas de servicios militares”, que operando bajo la cobertura legal “consultores”, “especialistas” y “expertos”, constituyen verdaderas fuerzas mercenarias.

Los Estados Unidos incrementaron el uso de contratos militares externos durante los años noventa, debido a la citada reducción de sus efectivos militares, cuando el estallido de numerosos conflictos étnicos y regionales aumentó bruscamente la demanda de personal militar. Durante la operación “Tormenta del Desierto” el Ejército estadounidense empleo a un “especialista” civil por cada cincuenta soldados regulares. Los conflictos étnicos de Bosnia Herzegovina, a mediados de esa década, y el de Kósovo, en 1999, hicieron que la proporción aumentara a uno cada diez, cifra que se mantuvo en ese nivel durante la Guerra del Golfo en 2003.

Las empresas de servicios militares comenzaron a crecer cuando durante la presidencia de George Bush, su secretario de Defensa Dick Cheney ordenó la realización de un estudio que determinó la conveniencia para los Estados Unidos de impulsar la privatización de su ejército. Aquel informe fue elaborado precisamente por una consultora de servicios militares Brown & Root Services -filial de Halliburton, que luego dirigiría el propio Cheney desde 1994 hasta que se incorporó a la vicepresidencia-, el estudio, que costo un total de nueve millones de dólares, demostraba que era mucho más rentable, tanto en términos económicos como políticos- delegar ciertas tareas militares en empresas privadas.

Poco más de una década más tarde, tal como estima Peter Singer, analista del Brookings Institution, un prestigioso centro de estudios internacionales de los Estados Unidos, las empresas de servicios militares manejan un negocio de 100.000 millones de dólares anuales –algunos estiman que en la próxima década este tipo de empresas duplicaran el volumen de sus negocios- y sus servicios incluyen el mantenimiento de sistemas de defensa o la modernización de las fuerzas armadas en países de los cinco continentes, la protección de minas de diamantes y pozos petroleros en las más remotas geografías del mundo.

Tal como afirma Rosa Towsend, corresponsal en Miami del diario español “El País”, las empresas de servicios militares “se encargan esencialmente de lo que los estados ricos no quieren hacer o los pobres no pueden hacer. Permite a los ricos reducir sus presupuestos de defensa concentrándose en guerras prioritarias para su seguridad y subcontratando el resto, y hace asequible a los pobres un nivel de poderío militar del que carecen”.

LOS NUEVOS MERCENARIOS

El empleo de fuerzas mercenarias es tan antiguo como la guerra misma. Si nos remontamos en la historia al nacimiento de los tiempos modernos –para no ir más atrás-, en tiempos de las “Guerras Dinásticas” las tropas mercenarias constituían una parte sustancias de los Ejércitos de la época. A partir del Siglo II y hasta la paz de Westfalia, en 1648, los contratistas militares solían emplear soldados formados en las estructuras feudales y los enviaban a quienes estuvieran dispuestos a pagar por ellos, fueran ciudades – estado o príncipes italianos o hasta el mismo Vaticano. Aquellas fuerzas mercenarias llevaban a cabo tareas militares como librar guerras, o políticas: mantener el poder y recaudar impuestos. Algunos historiadores vinculan el ascenso de las tropas contratadas a finales de la Edad Media con la incapacidad del sistema feudal de hacer frente a las necesidades, cada vez más complejas, de una sociedad en pleno proceso de modernización.

No han faltado desde entonces quienes condenaban el empleo de este tipo de fuerzas militares. En pleno Renacimiento italiano, Nicolás Maquiavelo, dedicaba el Capítulo XII de su libro “El príncipe” al análisis: “De las diferentes especies de milicias y de los soldados mercenarios”.

En esta obra escrita en 1513, por el genial florentino podemos leer: “Las tropas que sirven para la defensa de un Estado son: o mercenarias, o extranjeras, o mixtas. Las de la segunda clase, bien sirven en calidad de auxiliares o como mercenarios, son inútiles y peligrosas, y el Príncipe que se confía en tales soldados jamás estará en seguridad, a causa de estar siempre desunidos, ser ambiciosos, carecer de disciplina y tener poca fidelidad; valerosos contra los amigos, cobardes en presencia del enemigo, y no tener ni temor de Dios ni buena fe respecto a los hombres. A causa de todo ello, un Príncipe no puede retardar su caída sino lo que tarde en poner su valor a prueba. O sea, por decirlo todo en pocas palabras: saquean al Estado en tiempos de paz como lo haría el enemigo en tiempos de guerra. ¿Cómo podría ocurrir esto de otro modo? Esta clase de tropas no sirven a un Estado sino por el interés de una soldada que jamás es suficientemente fuerte como para permitirles comprar lo que necesitan para vivir. Naturalmente, si no tienen inconveniente en servir mientras dura la paz (pues por no hacer nada se encuentran con algo), apenas la guerra ha sido declarada huyen o tan sólo piensan en hacerlo.”

Pese al paso de los siglos, la visión negativa con respecto a las tropas mercenarias no ha disminuido. Es así, como tras nueve años de arduas negociaciones la Asamblea General de las Naciones Unidas, aprobó el 4 de diciembre de 1989, la “Convención Internacional contra el reclutamiento, la utilización, la financiación y el entrenamiento de mercenarios”.

Este documento internacional establece importantes precisiones en su Artículo 1º sobre a que se denomina “mercenario”. Dice exactamente:

“1º se entenderá por “mercenario” toda persona que:

a) Que haya sido especialmente reclutada, localmente o en el extranjero, para combatir en un conflicto armado;

b) Que tome parte en las hostilidades animada esencialmente por el deseo de obtener un proyecto personal y a la que se haga efectivamente la promesa, por una Parte en conflicto o en nombre de ella, de una retribución material considerablemente superior a la prometida a abonada a los combatientes de grado y funciones similares en las fuerzas armadas de esa Parte;

c) Que no sea nacional de una Parte en conflicto ni residente en un territorio controlado por una Parte en conflicto;

2º Se entenderá también por “mercenario” toda persona en cualquier otra situación:

a) Que haya sido especialmente reclutada, localmente o en el extranjero, para participar en un acto concertado de violencia con el propósito de:
i) Derrocar a un gobierno o socavar de alguna manera el orden constitucional de un Estado, o de,
ii) Socavar la integridad territorial de un Estado;

b) Que tome parte en ese acto animada esencialmente por el deseo de obtener un provecho personal significativo y la incite a ello la promesa o el pago de una retribución material;

c) Que no sea nacional o residente del Estado contra el que se perpetre ese acto;

d) Que no haya sido enviada por un Estado en misión oficial; y

e) Que no sea miembro de las fuerzas armadas del Estado en cuyo territorio se perpetre el acto.”

También resulta de particular interés el Artículo 5º de dicha convención que establece:

“1. Los Estados Partes no reclutarán, utilizarán, financiarán ni entrenarán mercenarios y prohibirán ese tipo de actividades de conformidad con disposiciones de la presente Convención.

2. Los Estados Partes no reclutarán, utilizarán, financiarán ni entrenarán mercenarios con el objeto de oponerse al legítimo ejercicio del derecho inalienable de los pueblos a la libre determinación reconocido por el derecho internacional y tomarán, de conformidad en el derecho internacional, las medidas apropiadas para prevenir el reclutamiento, la utilización, la financiación o el entrenamiento de mercenarios para tal objeto.

3.- Los Estados Partes establecerán penas adecuadas para los delitos previstos en la presente Convención en las que se tenga en cuenta su carácter grave.”

Conscientes de la mala imagen que su actividad tiene en la opinión pública internacional, una docena de empresas de servicios militares han creado la denominada Asociación Internacional para las Operaciones de Paz. Según su director, Doug Brooks, no se trata de despistar ni de lavar la imagen de las controvertidas corporaciones militares. “La paz y la estabilidad son siempre más rentables que las guerras –afirma Brooks- pero las guerras existen, y nosotros salimos al encuentro de unas necesidades que están ahí”. Lo cierto es que tan sólo en 2001, las corporaciones de servicios militares invirtieron treinta y dos millones de dólares en los distintos lobbys de Washington, aportando por igual a demócratas que a republicanos.

No obstante la visión negativa y hasta jurídicamente condenatoria que rodea a este tipo de cuerpos militares, muchas veces totalmente acertada y justificada, actualmente existen razones para la creciente utilización de empresas de servicios militares, entre las que figuran las presiones del mercado, la generalización del crimen organizado transnacional, la inseguridad en amplias regiones del Tercer Mundo, la industria del secuestro, el terrorismo internacional, las nuevas tecnologías, y el cambio social, entre otros riesgos y amenazas a la seguridad de un mundo globalizado crean múltiples demandas que a los cuerpos militares y de seguridad les resulta sumamente difíciles resolver.

En la actualidad, las empresas de servicios militares son compañías multinacionales que se encargan del apoyo logístico, labores de formación, seguridad, información, análisis de riesgos y mucho más. Operan en el contexto de un mercado abierto, trabajan varios “contratos” al mismo tiempo y presumen de su profesionalidad. Sus proyectos los llevan a cabo no personal permanente entrenado y formado por ellas sino agentes reclutados de bases de datos sobre personal con experiencia militar y antiguos miembros de las fuerzas del orden, en general se prefiere a individuos que registren experiencia de combate, que han prestado servicio en ejércitos nacionales en zonas de conflicto y que por tanto han demostrado su idoneidad en situaciones de alto riesgo.

Muchos de estos expertos figuran en varias bases de datos, pasan rápidamente de un contrato –y de una empresa- a otra, llegando en ocasiones trabajar como “contratistas” independientes llegado el caso. Aunque la mayoría de ellos muestra una alta capacitación técnica y dominan la utilización de elementos tecnológicos de última generación, otros recuerdan peligrosamente a los mercenarios de los años sesenta. En esa época los mercenarios se movían al borde de la legalidad cuando prestaban servicios en Biafra o en el Congo y se reclutaban por avisos en la revista “Soldier of Fortune”.

LAS VENTAJAS DE LOS EJÉRCITOS PRIVADOS

Los defensores del empleo de empresas de servicios militares señalan que las mismas permiten a los gobiernos contar con personal con conocimientos técnicos especializados, su empleo no demanda de autorizaciones políticas especiales para enviar personal a regiones conflictivas. En 1994, Estados Unidos contrató a la empresa Military Profesional Resources International –MPRI- para que “asesorara” al gobierno croata. De esa manera, el presidente del país, Franjo Tudjman, obtuvo las ventajas de la ayuda militar estadounidense a través de una empresa privada. Londres también ha promovido contratos, de este tipo en países donde empresas británicas tenían intereses comerciales. Algo similar ocurrió en Colombia, cuando el Congreso estadounidense aceptó proporcionar 1.300 millones de dólares en asistencia para la seguridad en el marco del “Plan Colombia”, pero impuso una cláusula, estableció que no podían permanecer en forma simultánea más de 500 soldados estadounidenses y 300 empleados civiles en territorio colombiano, tampoco podían participar directamente en combates. El gobierno norteamericano burló estas limitaciones empleando personal de diversas empresas de servicios militares que incluso en ocasiones se vieron involucrados en acciones militares directas.

Por último, según otras informaciones, la empresa Lagie Aviation Service and Technology, Inc. –LAST-, subcontratada por la DynCopr, ayudo al teniente coronel Oliver North, durante el escándalo Irán – Contras de los años ochenta, a transportar armas y municiones para los insurgentes nicaragüenses en su lucha contra el gobierno sandinistas.

Por último, el empleo de estas empresas en tareas logísticas o de protección de objetivos secundarios permite que las fuerzas nacionales que son escasas estén disponibles para su utilización en operaciones estratégicas de mayor relevancia.

Los gobiernos que emplean a empresas de servicios militares suelen afirmar que los expertos privados resultan más económicos. Sin embargo, los informes existentes sobre la Guerra del Golfo indican que los civiles contratados para tareas de seguridad reciben sueldos muy elevados –20.000 dólares mensuales- que triplican lo percibido por un soldado reclutado. Otros afirman que las empresas privadas resultan más económicas porque los gobiernos ahorran los gastos de reclutamiento, formación y especialización del personal militar. Sin embargo, la mayoría de los civiles contratados han adquirido su capacidad para el trabajo militar y de seguridad cumpliendo funciones dentro de algún ejército nacional. Incluso algunos gobiernos han mostrado preocupación porque el atractivo de los altos sueldos abonados por las empresas privadas de seguridad atenta contra la capacidad de los ejércitos nacionales para retener al personal más calificado, en especial a cuerpos elite, de lucha antiterrorista, expertos en contramedidas electrónicas, etc.

Probablemente, la mayor ventaja económica resida en el hecho de que la empresa privada de seguridad trabaja por contrato y una vez finalizado el mismo cesan los costos que ellas ocasionan. Mientras que los soldados reclutados deben conservarse aún en periodos de paz y luego ocasionan erogaciones en forma de jubilaciones, pensiones, gastos médicos y otras compensaciones por las lesiones sufridas.

Por último, la actividad de especialistas privados disminuye las repercusiones sobre la opinión pública del empleo de personal militar. Tal como ha admitido la ex embajadora de los Estados Unidos en Colombia, Anne Peterson, si un especialista militar contratado por una empresa internacional de seguridad fallece en el transcurso de alguna operación la repercusión es mínima, es un empleado más que muere en un “accidente de trabajo”, mientras que si el caído es un militar estadounidense llegará a Washington un ataúd con una bandera estadounidense y mucha gente comenzará ha hacer preguntas y se llevará a cabo una investigación de cómo y bajo que circunstancias se produjo su deceso.

Tal como veremos a continuación, las empresas privadas de seguridad constituyen en verdad filiales de holdings mayores que ofrecen también tecnología de computación, servicios de aviación, asesoría financiera y de administración. Por lo general, su directorio está integrado por antiguos y brillantes jefes militares, ex diplomáticos y ex funcionarios de organismos internacionales y hasta algún ex jefe de Estado en retiro.

En la mayoría de los casos, estas empresas son contratadas por gobiernos débiles. Su propuesta comercial es realmente atractiva: guardar la seguridad interna, aniquilar grupos sediciosos armados, formar e instruir a las fuerzas de seguridad y militares locales, crear e instruir los servicios de inteligencia, conformar cuerpos de elite o guardias de seguridad para los dirigentes locales, etc.

Las empresas de servicios militares firman contratos legales con organismos internacionales o gobiernos constitucionales. Sus dirigentes argumentan siempre que gran parte de sus tareas están al servicio de gobiernos legítimamente elegidos y constituidos o que desarrollan misiones “humanitarias” de mantenimiento de la paz.

LAS TRANSNACIONALES DE LA GUERRA

Un conjunto de importantes empresas multinacionales de seguridad consiguen los principales contratos del sector, para ellas trabajan un gran número de “especialistas” militares, cuentan con importantes instalaciones, centros de entrenamiento y sofisticado equipamiento. Veamos algunos ejemplos:

a) MILITARY PROFESIONAL RESOURCES INCORPORATED –MPRI-:

Su presidente Ed Soyster, fue jefe de inteligencia militar del Pentágono. Uno de sus vicepresidentes, el general de dos estrellas retirado Carl E. Vuono, un veterano de la guerra del Golfo, firmó un nuevo contrato con el gobierno de Croacia, país en el que funciona desde 1994. En esa época por petición y bajo contratación del ministerio de Defensa de los Estados Unidos entrenó al ejército croata. Meses después, el ejército croata, lanzó la “Operación Tormenta”. En el curso de la cual ingresó a las zonas de seguridad controlada por la ONU en Krajina y efectuó la limpieza étnica de la zona. Se estima que unos doscientos mil servios fueron forzados a desplazarse y centenares resultaron muertos. La publicación especializada Jane’s Inteligence Review ha señalado que su intervención fue clave en los éxitos militares del ejército croatas contra los serbios. También entrenó a las fuerzas armadas de Bosnia y Herzegovina para hacer frente a las tropas de Milosevic.

En septiembre de 1999, el Departamento de Defensa de los Estados Unidos contrató, por un monto de seis millones de dólares, a la empresa MPRI, para trabajar con el Ejército colombiano en planeamiento de operativos, inteligencia, logística y entrenamiento.

b) EXECUTIVE OUTCOMES:

Tenía su sede en Pretoria, capital de Sudáfrica. Surgida después de la desaparición del gobierno blanco del apartheid, fue organizada por ex militares. Cuando sus actividades fueron prohibidas en Sudáfrica trasladó sus oficinas a Londres. Tiene capacidad para movilizar en naves propias a 2.000 hombres armados y equipados. Presta sus servicios en Sierra Leona, Colombia, Croacia, Bosnia, Congo, Nigeria y Guinea Ecuatorial. Se especializa en la protección de minas de diamantes y pozos de petróleo en Angola

Un documental del Canal 4 de Londres –titulado The War Business- difundió que, en mayo de 1998, los mercenarios de Executive Outcomes bombardearon con NAPALM el mercado de un pueblo africano, matando a 500 civiles en un solo día.

Sandline International habría enviado helicópteros y equipo militar a Sierra Leona, en febrero de 1998, y en esta forma habría violado un embargo de armas decretado por el Consejo de Seguridad de Naciones Unidas un año antes. Al parecer, esta acción contó con el apoyo del gobierno británico, por lo que el Comité de Relaciones Exteriores de la Cámara de Comunes habría efectuado una investigación al respecto.

Luego, esta empresa asesoró a la fuerza para militar de Kamajor –leal al presidente restituido Tejan Kabbah- que combatía a los depuestos golpistas de la Junta Militar. Pero sus procedimientos han sido condenados por los organismos internacionales quienes los responsabilizan de la aplicación de torturas y crímenes contra los prisioneros. Por ejemplo, tan sólo en una semana, en noviembre de 1998, 70 personas –acusadas de ser combatientes rebeldes- habrían resultado muertos en el combate de Gberay, llevado a cabo a unos cien kilómetros al norte de la ciudad capital de Freetown, y sus cuerpos mutilados fueron incendiados.

El gobierno de Sierra Leona retribuyó a Executive Outcomes con importantes contratos de explotación de los recursos naturales del país para las empresas ligadas al holding: Branch Energy, Heritage Oil and Gas y Diamond Works. Esta última empresa fue constituida en 1996, en Vancouver, y es una de las más grandes productoras de diamantes, además de tener líneas aéreas, como Ibis Air, y otras empresas de transporte, logística y servicios.

c) SANDLINE INTERNATIONAL:

Registrada de Bahamas, tiene sus oficinas centrales en la ciudad de Londres. Operó junto a Executive Outcomes en Sierra Leona derrocando a la junta militar integrada por el Consejo Revolucionario de las Fuerzas Armadas –AFRC- y por el Frente Unido Revolucionario –RUF-, permitiendo la restauración del derrocado presidente Tejan Kabbah.

d) DYNCORP:

Según consigna su publicidad en Internet: “es una de las más grandes compañías tecnológicas y de servicios de los Estados Unidos. Es reconocida por sus innovaciones en las áreas de ciencia, ingeniería, administración tecnológica y apoyo técnico. Es considerada la número 65 dentro de las 100 principales firmas sobre actividades de defensa en todo el mundo”.

La empresa fue creada en 1946, bajo el nombre de “California Easter Airways Inc.” Por un grupo de pilotos norteamericanos que después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial decidieron fundar una empresa aérea de carga. Desde 1987 lleva su nombre actual. Prestó sus servicios en la guerra de Corea, Vietnam, en la Operación Tormenta del Desierto, en tareas de contrainsurgencia en El Salvador, Bosnia y actualmente son conocidas sus operaciones en Colombia e Irak.

Su casa matriz está en Reston, Virginia. Es la número 65 entre las 100 más importantes firmas de defensa del mundo. Tiene aproximadamente veintitrés mil empleados desplegados en varias partes del mundo, cuenta con 550 clientes y sus ventas anuales rondarían los 1.960 millones de dólares. El 98% de sus ingresos provienen de 34 instituciones gubernamentales estadounidenses, tales como el Departamento de Estado, el Departamento de Defensa, el FBI, la DEA, el ejército, el departamento de prisiones, etc.

Tan sólo la dirección aeroespacial de DynCorp se ocupa del mantenimiento de 80% de las naves de la NASA y de 60% del parque de helicópteros con que cuenta el ejército estadounidense.

Desde 1997, la empresa tiene un contrato de seiscientos millones de dólares con el Departamento de Estado de los Estados Unidos. En la llamada “guerra contra las drogas”, fumiga desde el aire los cultivos de coca en Colombia con el herbicida glifosato, entrena a los pilotos de las fuerzas armadas colombianas, peruanas y bolivianas, y es responsable del mantenimiento de los helicópteros.

El contrato con el Departamento de Estado no establece que el personal de DynCorp deban participar de operaciones de combate en Colombia, mientras el personal militar estadounidense permanece como entrenadores en las bases militares. Sin embargo, fueron empleados de la DynCorp quienes intervinieron el 18 de febrero de 2003, cuando los guerrilleros de las FARC obligaron a un helicóptero de las Fuerzas Armadas Colombianas que realizaba fumigaciones a un aterrizaje forzoso en la región de Cáqueta, los mercenarios, con uniforme estadounidense, arribaron al lugar en tres helicóptero Huey II para rescatar al piloto colombiano, Giancarlo Cotrino, y mientras uno de ellos aterrizó, los otros dos le brindaban cobertura de fuego. Después de este incidente, el gobierno de Washington declaró que se trató un ataque de la guerrilla contra personal civil.

En Ecuador, tal como informó Juan Miguel Maúrtua, jefe del Puesto de Operaciones de Avanzada, la DynCorp está presente en la base militar estadounidense en la costa ecuatoriana de Manta desde marzo de 2003. El trabajo de los 117 empleados, según Maúrtua, consiste en barrer las piestas del aeropuerto, en la limpieza de las oficinas y la alimentación de los soldados estadounidenses. Aunque esta explicación resulta bastante dudosa, dado que la DynCorp insiste en su propaganda que presta servicios y proporciona personal de alta calificación que naturalmente no hace referencia a tareas de limpieza.

Sin embargo, la alta especialización del personal de DynCorp no parece impedir que sus hombres cometan errores, violaciones a los derechos humanos o se vean involucrados en hechos delictivos. En 1999, empleados de DynCorp en Bosnia fueron acusados de comprar y traficar niñas, para utilizarlas como esclavas sexuales, y en Colombia, en el 2000, sus hombres se involucraron el tráfico de drogas.

e) DUNN AND MCDONALD INC –BDM-:

Es un consorcio dedicado a la ingeniería. Consiguió en los años ochenta contratos importantes con el gobierno norteamericano: los bombarderos Stealth, la Iniciativa de la Defensa Estratégica y el análisis de las lecciones de estrategia de la guerra de Vietnam.

Dicha compañía –que hasta 1990 era parte de la Ford- fue comprada por la Carlyle Group, uno de cuyos socios es el ex secretario de Defensa de presidente Ronald Reagan, frank C. Carlucci. Emplea además como asesores, entre otros importantes personajes, a James Baker, ex secretario de Estado; a John Major, ex primer ministro británico, y a Karl Otto Pohl, ex presidente del Bundesbank alemán.

En noviembre de 1997, Carlyle Group vendió BDM a la firma TRW System Integration Group, de Cleveland, Ohio, fabricante de equipo espacial y de defensa, así como de partes automotrices. En enero de 1998, ambas empresas se fusionaron en TRW Systems and Information Technology Group. TRW-BDW ocupa el décimo lugar en la lista de los más importantes contratistas del departamento de Defensa de los Estados Unidos, sus contratos alcanzan un monto de 1.346 millones de dólares.

f) GLOBAL RISK STRATEGIES:

Una de las mayores empresas de servicios militares que opera en Irak, sus efectivos en ese país alcanzan a 1.100 hombres, esa cifra la sitúa en sexto lugar entre las potencias de coalición, exactamente entre Italia y España. Muchos de sus empleados son ex soldados gurkas, quienes gozan de una merecida fama por su ferocidad en combate.

EL IMPACTO DE LA PRIVATIZACIÓN DE LOS CONFLICTOS SOBRE LOS DERECHOS HUMANOS.

La actividad de estas multinacionales de la seguridad suele provocar importantes violaciones de los derechos humanos. En estos casos, los estados contratantes suelen descargar sus responsabilidades sobre las empresas y estas a su vez sobre su personal aduciendo que actuaron bajo su exclusiva responsabilidad, que excedieron las órdenes recibidas o que aprovecharon la situación para cometer delitos.

Uno de los mayores problemas al momento de controlar la actividad de las empresas privadas dedicadas a brindar servicios militarizados de seguridad suele ser la falta de legislación al respecto. Salvo Sudáfrica, ningún gobierno ha aprobado de manera reciente una legislación que sancione como delito la actividad mercenaria. Gran Bretaña e Irlanda del Norte tienen una ley que prohíbe a sus ciudadanos convertirse en mercenarios, pero el último caso de una persona sometida a proceso judicial por esta causa se remonta al año 1896.

El Protocolo Adicional 1 de 1977 de los Convenios de Ginebra se limita a definir que se entiende por “mercenario” desde la perspectiva del derecho humanitario. Y la Convención Internacional contra el Reclutamiento, Utilización, Financiación y Entrenamiento de Mercenarios, a que hemos hecho referencia, no está en vigor debido a que sólo la han suscrito 16 de los 22 gobiernos que, como mínimo, se requieren para su puesta en práctica.

Según señala Enrique Bernales Ballesteros, relator especial de Naciones Unidas sobre la utilización de mercenarios como medio de violar los derechos humanos y obstaculizar el ejercicio del derecho de los pueblos a la libre determinación de los pueblos, señalaba en un informe de 1999: “La Comisión de Derechos Humanos debe prestar prioritaria atención al hecho de que una especie de privatización de la guerra está siendo alentada a través de posiciones unilaterales que se despliegan a través de estas empresas. La comunidad internacional no puede aceptar, sin lesionar principios que suistentan su existencia, que el mercado libre y globalizado también funcione para operaciones de venta de asistencia militar y operaciones de construcción y mantenimiento de la paz que corresponden a organizaciones internacionales. Lo contrario sería admitir, en la práctica, la intervención en asuntos internos de fuerzas paramilitares donde el componente mercenario está presente”.

CONCLUSIONES

La tercerización de los conflictos es una muestra más del retroceso de los estados nacionales frente a la globalización. Los ejércitos nacionales que desde los tiempos de la Revolución Francesa fueron un símbolo de soberanía hoy son reemplazados por empresas privadas.

Las empresas de servicios militares, cuando los países más importantes del mundo se encuentran en plena “guerra contra el terrorismo y el narcotráfico” son uno de los sectores empresariales de mayor expansión en la presente década. Estas empresas crecen incluso a un ritmo mayor que las empresas de Internet o las de biotecnología.

La tercerización de los conflictos permite a los gobiernos eludir las limitaciones que les imponen sus propios pueblos, las disposiciones del derecho humanitario y la presión de la opinión pública internacional desplazando su responsabilidad sobre las acciones militares y las eventuales violaciones a los derechos humanos sobre empresas privadas aprovechando las falencias que presenta la legislación internacional.

La difusión del empleo de mercenarios a través de empresas de servicios militares constituye una forma racional de aprovechar y “reciclar” al personal de militar de alta capacitación -tropas de elite, especialistas en guerra electrónica, pilotos, expertos en lucha antiterrorista, etc.- impidiendo que preste sus servicios en países que desafíen el orden internacional vigente o incluso que se conviertan en “soldados” de las organizaciones criminales, tal como ocurrió con algunos de ellos en los países del antiguo Bloque Socialista.

Este proceso parece destinado a incrementarse en la medida que el estado sigue retrocediendo, el número de conflictos incrementándose y los pobladores de los países de mayor desarrollo, que disponen de un alto estándar de vida, no muestran mayor predisposición para involucrarse en cruentas guerras en escenarios geográficos remotos y adversos. En consecuencia, su lugar será ocupado cada día más por soldados profesionales que aceptarán tomar grandes riesgos a cambio de altas remuneraciones e impunidad frente a la justicia internacional.

También resulta evidente de este análisis, que la falta de “mano de obra militar” que evidencian tanto los Estados Unidos como otros países europeos no sólo impulsará el crecimiento de las empresas de servicios militares sino que incrementará las presiones políticas para que los estados del tercer mundo se involucren a través de “misiones de paz” en los numerosos conflictos que agotan las energías de las potencias que están actuando como “policías Internacionales”.

Ollie North's Iran-Contra Gun Runners Now Work 'Plan Colombia' Drug Fight in Colombia Questioned

by Ken Guggenheim

http://www.commondreams.org/headlines01/0605-04.htm

WASHINGTON –– Fifteen years ago, Eagle Aviation Service and Technology Inc. helped Oliver North run guns to Nicaraguan rebels in what would become known as the Iran-Contra affair.

Today, the company flies State Department planes on dangerous drug eradication missions in Colombia. The work of EAST, as the company is known, has received little attention, even as lawmakers scrutinize the use of contractors in the Latin American drug fight.

One lawmaker who wants to ban the use of private contractors for antidrug missions in the Andean region said EAST's work in Colombia merits scrutiny.

"I think this kind of questionable background of being involved in covert, unapproved missions does add another level of questioning: Who are these people and who is holding them accountable?" said Rep. Jan Schakowsky, D-Ill.

EAST doesn't work directly for the State Department. For 10 years, it has been a subcontractor of DynCorp Aerospace Technology, the company hired by State to fly and maintain aircraft for counterdrug missions in Colombia.

EAST pilots spray herbicide on coca, the raw material for cocaine. They frequently face gunfire, sometimes from leftist guerrillas protecting drug traffickers. Three of its pilots have been killed in two crashes, neither blamed on gunfire.

The company also works for the Defense Department. In 1999 and 2000, EAST received more than $30 million under several Defense contracts, which included providing engineering, supplies, and other services for Laughlin Air Force Base in Texas, according to Pentagon records.

Current and former State Department officials said EAST's Iran-Contra past has nothing to do with its Colombia work. "That was 15 years ago. The issue is what they're doing, not what they did," said Jonathan Winer, a former State counterdrug official.

Concerns in Congress about contractors have escalated since Peru's military fired on a plane of U.S. missionaries April 20. Contractors aboard a CIA-operated surveillance plane identified the plane as a possible drug flight. An American woman and her infant died.

EAST's president, retired Air Force Col. Thomas Fabyanic, declined to discuss the company's work. "EAST is a privately held company and therefore we are not obligated to release any information in that regard," he said in a telephone interview.

In the 1980s, EAST and its founder, Richard Gadd, helped North, then a National Security Council official, secretly supply weapons and ammunition to Nicaragua's Contra rebels at a time that Congress had banned the government from providing lethal aid.

North also arranged for another of Gadd's companies to win a State Department contract to deliver legal, humanitarian aid. That created what Iran-Contra Independent Counsel Lawrence Walsh called "a rare occasion that a U.S. government program unwittingly provided cover to a private covert operation."

Revelations of the Contra arms operation and that it had been partly funded by weapons sales to Iran led to convictions of top Reagan administration officials.

Gadd testified in the Iran-Contra case under a grant of immunity from prosecution, and neither he nor EAST was accused of illegalities.

DynCorp declined to say how much it pays EAST as part of its five-year, $170 million contract with the State Department for antidrug operations.

Fabyanic said his company was prohibited from discussing its Colombia operations under the terms of the contract with DynCorp.

Asked if EAST's role in Iran-Contra should be considered significant to its Colombia work, Fabyanic answered: "Why would it be?"

DynCorp spokeswoman Charlene A. Wheeless said her company checked out EAST's background before contracting it and found no wrongdoing.

"We feel strongly that EAST is a reputable company," she said. "They do a great job for us as a subcontractor. We feel that they act responsibly."

In his Iran-Contra testimony, Gadd said EAST was one of several companies he formed after retiring in 1982 as a lieutenant colonel from the Air Force, where he specialized in covert operations.

In the 1980s, the Contra rebels were trying to topple Nicaragua's leftist Sandinista government. The Reagan administration backed the Contras, viewing the Sandinistas as a Marxist threat to Central America. Democrats who controlled Congress believed the United States should stay out of the conflict and barred U.S. officials from providing lethal aid.

North turned to retired Gen. Richard Secord to set up a private arms pipeline to the Contras. Secord hired Gadd in 1985 to oversee the weapons delivery.

Through EAST, Gadd helped acquire planes to carry arms and ammunition from Portugal to Central America, and to make airdrops directly to Contra fighters. EAST also built an airstrip in Costa Rica near the Nicaraguan border.

EAST received $550,000 for its covert work, according to Walsh's final report.

"If you view the whole operation as somehow illegitimate and illicit, then anybody who participated in it could, you might say, have been involved in doing something wrong," former Iran-Contra prosecutor Michael Bromwich said.

But Gadd and his associates "thought they were working for the White House," Bromwich added.
––
On the Net: Federation of American Scientists link to Iran-Contra report: http://www.fas.org/irp/offdocs/walsh/
State Department narcotics control bureau: http://www.state.gov/g/inl/narc/ 

NOTE:

SOURCE: This is part of an on-going series to catalogue and report major criminal and unethical activities of DynCorp. A complete collection of known findings can be found on the Pizzagate Wiki's DynCorp page.

DynCorp has been responsible for rapes, murders, and unspeakable atrocities around the world. Perhaps one of the first countries to actively speak out against these abuses was Colombia. They were the victims of systematic sexual abuse, chemical spraying, and mercenary actions taken by DynCorp.

Between 2003 and 2007 it would be reported that at least 54 children in Colombia had been sexually assaulted by military contractors the Colombian government would not name:

The Colombian press, however, identifies DynCorp, a Virginia-based contractor.

In one case DynCorp employees taped and distributed videos of sexual abuse with local children, leading to the suicide of one victim.(1)

These charges would later be compiled and brought before a committee on human rights by the José Alvear Restrepo Lawyers’ Collective of Colombia. Despite the effectiveness and depth of their case, DynCorp was protected by diplomatic immunity, and thus no criminal charges were ever brought against a single DynCorp employee. The case can be found in PDF format here. http://pizzagate.wiki/File:Dyncorp_acus_eng.pdf

US Soldiers and Contractors Sexually Abused at Least 54 Children in Colombia Between 2003-2007

https://www.thenation.com/article/us-soldiers-and-contractors-sexually-abused-least-54-children-colombia/

When Colombian men rape Colombian women, it is news. When US soldiers and private defense contractors are the rapists, not so much. Last week, FAIR noticed that not one major media organization in the United States has covered the charge, reported in Colombia (and online in English by the invaluable Medellín-based >Colombia Reports), “that US military soldiers and contractors had sexually abused at least fifty-four children in Colombia between 2003 and 2007 and, in all cases, the rapists were never punished–either in Colombia or stateside–due to American military personnel being immune from prosecution under diplomatic immunity agreements between the two countries.” Nor, as far as I can tell, have any of the State Department’s allied human rights groups made mention of the allegations.

The media silence goes hand in hand with the official immunity granted not just to US diplomats, but soldiers and employees of shadowy private security firms hired by Washington to carry out much of Plan Colombia. One of the rapes occurred in 2007 and was reported in the Colombian press. It was allegedly committed by Army sergeant Michael J. Coen and an employee of a private security contractor, César Ruiz. The victim was a 12-year-old girl. “They abducted her, they drugged her, they took her to the air base near the town of Melgar and raped her, they took videos of her,” the victim’s mother told reporters. Then they drove her into town and pushed her out of their car in front of a church. The crime was well covered in Colombia, but a search of Proquest news turned up only one item in English the United States, a translation of a piece that was part of reporting in Spanish published by the Nuevo Herald (affiliated with the Miami Herald) by Gonzalo Guillén and Gerardo Reyes:

 The U.S. government has made little effort to investigate a U.S. army sergeant and a Mexican civil contractor implicated in Colombia in the rape of a 12-year-old girl in August 2007, according to an El Nuevo Herald investigation.

The suspects, Sgt. Michael Coen and contractor Cesar Ruiz, were taken out of Colombia under diplomatic immunity, and do not face criminal charges in the United States in the rape in a room at Colombia’s German Olano Air Force Base in Melgar, 62 miles west of Bogota.

Colombian prosecutors issued arrest warrants. But they were “not executed because of the immunity of Coen and Ruiz.” Under a series of treaties dating back to 1962, members of the US military stationed in Colombia are immune from prosecution. That immunity has since been extended to private security firms, which have been implicated in a series of crimes in Colombia related to drug- running, money laundering and rape.

Guillén and Reyes write that the US military made no effort to interview key witnesses, including the victim. A representative of the US Army did show up at the victim’s hometown of Melgar to question the victim’s mother, Olga Lucia Castillo, about the “life and customs” of her daughter: “In an interview with El Nuevo Herald, Castillo said a man who introduced himself as Jhon Ramirez, US Army criminal investigator, interrogated her at a police station in downtown Bogota. The interview was blunt, Castillo said, with Ramirez armed with a gun during the interrogation.”

“He seemed more interested in having me sign a release exonerating (Coen and Ruiz),” Castillo said, “than learning what happened with my daughter.”

Here, in Spanish, Guillén and Reyes provide a detailed description of the assault, based on an interview they did with the mother. After the crime, the victim tried to commit suicide, and the family had to flee Melgar, joining the millions of others of Colombia’s internally displaced peoples (Colombia is second only to Syria in numbers of internal refugees).

This case is back in the news in Colombia because it was included in a report issued by the Comisión Histórica del Conflicto y sus Víctimas—a commission established to write an overview history of Colombia’s armed conflict. The commission (whose 804-page report can be found here) is a sort of watered-down version of a truth commission, established in a 2014 accord signed by the Colombian government and FARC guerrillas as part of peace talks aimed at ending the country’s half-century-long civil war. It was quickly put together, meant mostly to allow all sides in the conflict to present their interpretation of the conflict’s origins.

The chapter titled “sexual imperialism” (part of a larger section on the role of the United States in supporting state terrorism, written by Renán Vega, a Colombian historian based at the Universidad Pedagógica Nacional de Bogotá) recounts another serious sexual assault that, like the rape described above, was covered by the Colombian press, both in print and on TV, but ignored in the United States: in 2004, “53 underage girls were sexually abused by mercenaries, who filmed and sold the tapes as pornographic material.” According to one news story, the scenes on the tapes were “hard, crude, and violent.” The case was taken up by the Colombian human-rights organization, “Corporación Colectivo de Abogados ‘José Alvear Restrepo.’” But immunity held. The victims of this crime likewise were forced to flee their homes. At least one committed suicide.

The Comisión Histórica doesn’t name the private security firm involved. The Colombian press, however, identifies DynCorp, a Virginia-based contractor. Dyncorp is only slightly less infamous than Blackwater, having been involved in numerous international outrages, including, as David Isenberg, author of Shadow Force: Private Security Forces in Iraq, writes, “a sex slavery scandal in Bosnia in 1999, with its employees accused of rape and the buying and selling of girls as young as 12.”

Counsel for Plaintiffs in Dyncorp Case Draws Crowd

In a related development, the American lawyer representing 1,600 Ecuadorians and the provincial governments of Esmeraldas, Carchi, and Sucumbios in the case against Dyncorp (the aerial fumigation contractor in the border region), Jeff Frazier, participated in a symposium hosted by the GOE's Northern Border Development Unit (UDENOR) on June 28-29 in Quito. Frazier said that Colombia's aerial eradication program had contaminated the environment, caused severe health problems, and had harmed the local economy. He argued that Dyncorp had been hired to fumigate in Colombian territory, not Ecuador, and since they had proof that glyphosate had drifted across the border and caused damage, the company failed to fulfill its contractual obligations and is therefore liable. ForMin Espinosa has expressed the GOE's support for the civil case against Dyncorp, but has stressed it is private matter not directly involving the GOE.

Glysophate / Roundup Ultra / Monsanto

Human rights activist Rafael Jaque, who is affiliated with the Latin American Human Rights Organization (ALDHU) and has worked with Frazier on the case, was also on the panel. Jaque said that Colombia's aerial spraying program had caused genetic disorders, hair loss, skin disease, cancer, and raised infant mortality rates. He expressed satisfaction over the decision of the U.S. federal judge to deny Dyncorp protection as a contractor, and said that there are plans to possibly go after Monsanto for using Roundup Ultra in fumigations, which he said was illegal in the US. Embassy Quito paid for the participation of an EPA expert in border issues to inject some positive and balanced perspective at the conference, not on the glyphosate issue but on other panel topics where positive USG contributions to border zone air, water and sanitation quality could be stressed.

Cognitive dissonance, can a whole country suffer from it?

By South Paw

https://steemit.com/news/@south-paw/cognitive-dissonance-can-a-whole-country-suffer-from-it

Bogota, Colombia - The Colombian government has reached a peace agreement with the Marxist-Leninist revolutionary peasant group called F.A.R.C. Before reaching the agreement it was put to a referendum and the population overwhelmingly voted No, yet the accord was pushed through by the government by the use of executive orders.

The F.A.R.C- was founded in the rural areas of Colombia during the cold war as an armed answer against imperialism, free-market, democracy and the right wing politics of the conservative party. It can be argued that the FARC is the extreme left armed branch of the Colombian liberal party, although it may not be perceived as such by the national population.

Funding - for the terrorist group has been accomplished through kidnapings ransom, cocaine traffic and the general abuse, murder and terror of the population. The tactics used by this group have been denounced by international organizations for committing crimes against humanity (Source). Regardless of their status as an international terrorist organization the government of Colombia headed by president Juan Manuel Santos Wiki.
has reached a peace agreement that would allow members of FARC to return to civilian life without having to pay for the crimes committed in the almost 50 years of the conflict.
The peace - agreement would give the leaders and members of the dissident groups full amnesty and huge plots of land under their control (About the size of Switzerland). All this is being funded by tax payer money, taxes being waged on a population that has been ravaged by war. Colombia has one of the biggest internal displaced populations, more internal refugees than any other American nation. Even more bizarre is the push by the national left leaning media to portrait the gorilla group as champions of freedom and hailed as heroes, being invited to a multitude of popular radio and TV shows.

Drugs traffickers, terrorist and murderers are idolized by the lefty main stream media in Colombia. Verily teaching people to believe in the cognitive dissonance they are being fed on a daily basis.

Part Three: The Boogeymen of Bosnia

SOURCE STILL LIVE: https://steemit.com/pizzagate/@rebelskum/the-case-against-dyncorp-part-iii-the-boogeymen-of-the-bosnia

DynCorp, as well as other United States intelligence agencies and defense contractors, committed horrific atrocities in the Balkan states during the 1990s. Governments were overthrown, people assassinated, and drugs, weapons and humans were all trafficked in epidemic proportions. The whole event, particularly DynCorp's story, would later become the subject of the 2010 film, The Whistleblower.

It is important to note this is the same time and area in which the CIA also sexually assaulted and trafficked juveniles, which I mentioned in a previous CIA-specific article.

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------

The CIA's documented sexual abuse of children for over 30 years

https://steemit.com/pizzagate/@rebelskum/the-cia-s-documented-sexual-abuse-of-children-for-over-30-years

Some believe it impossible for the United States government to participate in and cover up the sexual abuse of children, however it has been a proven pattern of abuse carried out by the Central Intelligence Agency for decades. The following is a compilation of several cases in which the CIA directly sexually, ritually, and physically tortured children using taxpayer money.

For even more information on the CIA's involvement on criminal activity, see the Pizzagate Wiki's page on the CIA.

Top image is an actual CIA recruitment poster found on Veterans Today.
1987: The Finders

In an earlier article I discussed the many connections between the CIA and a mysterious "cult" known as the Finders, including that they had been directly contracted on a number of occasions.

In 1987 six children were found with two well-dressed male Finders and two of the children were found to be sexually abused, in addition to them all being covered in insect bites, filthy, and poorly fed.

Despite the clear evidence of criminal activity, the Washington D.C. Metropolitan Police Department would drop all criminal charges against the Finders and declare their actions "eccentric -- not illegal".

In 1998 the leader of the Finders, ex-Army Sergeant Marion D. Pettie, would explain the event as:

Then they were just taking them on a camping trip to Florida. There were four intellectuals with them and they just happen to drive into a park and somebody was suspicious because the two men were well dressed.

They had four people with them on the trip and they were all well educated, well-balanced people. So I don't think any funny stuff was going on.

1990s: Bosnia and eastern Europe
An article was recently uncovered by an alleged ex-CIA consultant, Dr. Sue Arrigo. According to Dr. Arrigo, the CIA has sponsored sex trafficking around the world for decades. She outlines particularly how the CIA terrorized eastern Europe in the 1990s, particularly Bosnia and Herzegovina, through the sex trafficking of children.

The following excerpts are taken from Dr. Arrigo's account. While I would have simply paraphrased this in lieu of copying several portions, the account itself needs to be read to be believed. It should also be noted that this is the time period in which DynCorp was also buying and selling children for sex in Bosnia:

I had an assignment in Bosnia shortly before MacKenzie got there. The fighting in that region came later. I was assigned to set up an orphanage for the CIA.

My job was just to arrange to buy the land for the building of this big new “Catholic School” for children. The problem was that there were no schoolrooms in the plan, just endless dormitories.

It looked more like a concentration camp for kids.

Those kids were not going to parents and to safety; they were going to sexual humiliation, torment, and eventually their deaths.

The CIA built its concentration camp for orphans, complete with barbed wire and control towers with armed guards carrying machine guns. An investigator could check this.

All that happened before a single shot was fired to start that war in Bosnia.

It was already planned back at the CIA. The CIA had already bought the land to house the children that they planned to sell into sexual slavery.

Remember that each child that gets sold into sexual slavery makes about $700 for the bosses if sold at auction, about $300,000 over its 2-year lifespan if the boss houses it in a brothel in the US, and millions of dollar if it can be raised in the US and turned into a “presidential model” or a “puppet government model” -- if it is male. And all the training, transport, etc. is paid for by the US taxpayer to torture these children into compliance.

Oh, yes, and don’t forget the $100,000 for the babies in the $100,000 a month ritual sacrifice category.

Source: Testimony of Dr. Sue Arrigo (archive.is)

http://www.gailallen.com/theo/Secrets-of-the-CIA-Global-Sex-Slave-Industry-by-Dr-Sue-Arrigo.html

2000s: Sexual abuse of underage detainees of the War on Terror

A diplomatic cable from 2006 reveals that the CIA and other members of the US-Iraq security forces sexually abused around 37 juveniles at their "Site 4" detention facility in Baghdad.

On May 30, a third joint U.S.-Iraqi inspection of the "Site 4" INP detention complex, located in central Baghdad, discovered more than 1,400 detainees in two separate facilities...

Forty-one detainees interviewed had bruising and lash-marks consistent with violent physical abuse.

Thirty-seven juveniles were illegally held at the facility, many alleging sexual abuse.

A number of juvenile detainees, mostly young teenagers, alleged sexual abuse at the hands of MOI personnel -- specifically, that MOI interrogators had used threats and acts of anal rape to induce confessions and had forced juveniles to fellate them during interrogations.

These allegations were also raised independently with inspectors by adult detainees who claimed knowledge of juvenile rapes.

During this time in the War on Terror, the United States was known to employ cruel and unusual methods of torture on detainees in such sites. Among the most grisly were the acts of "rectal rehydration" and "rectal feeding". While the CIA director at the time, Gen. Michael Hayden, alleged they were absolutely necessary medical procedures:

Doctors and psychiatrists, however, said they have zero medical application and are nothing more than full-bore torture methods that no medical professional should ever be a party to. More than that, they are well-documented forms of painful, humiliating torture that have been used since the Middle Ages and the Inquisition, doctors said.

What Are ‘Rectal Feeding,’ ‘Rectal Hydration’? Doctors Call CIA Tactics Torture

http://www.ibtimes.com/what-are-rectal-feeding-rectal-hydration-doctors-call-cia-tactics-torture-1751952

Two of the most brutal CIA interrogation tactics revealed in the Senate’s report on torture are little-known techniques called “rectal feeding” and “rectal hydration.” The backlash to the exposure of the techniques was swift, but former CIA Director Gen. Michael Hayden defended them Thursday as “medical procedures” necessary to get fluids into dehydrated detainees and were not used as “a method of interrogation.”

Doctors and psychiatrists, however, said they have zero medical application and are nothing more than full-bore torture methods that no medical professional should ever be a party to. More than that, they are well-documented forms of painful, humiliating torture that have been used since the Middle Ages and the Inquisition, doctors said.

“This is a variation on a medieval form of torture in which the intestines were swollen up with fluid in order to cause pain," said Dr. Steven Miles, a professor of medicine at the University of Minnesota Medical School and board member of the Center for Victims of Torture, both of which are in Minneapolis. "You can’t feed somebody this way. And so, for the U.S. government to claim that this is some sort of feeding technique, that’s just totally bizarre,” he said. “Because there is no physiological way for any nutrients to be absorbed in the colon, any medical participation in this rectal feeding procedure is medical participation in torture.”

The Senate report on torture and brutal interrogation tactics employed by the CIA in the wake of the Sept. 11, 2001, terror attacks shocked the world upon its release Tuesday. The report details systematic torture and harsh interrogation methods at CIA “black site” detention facilities across the globe, including sleep deprivation, beatings, stress positions, waterboarding and more. It is the most detailed account of America’s role in torturing terror suspects to date.

The Senate Intelligence Committee determined that rectal feeding, rectal hydration and other extreme techniques were not only unjustified, but ineffective in attaining actionable intelligence.

During their interrogation, at least five detainees, including 9/11 mastermind Khalid Sheikh Mohammed and al Qaeda operative Abu Zubaydah, were subjected to forced feeding and hydrating through a tube or enema inserted into their rectums, the report revealed. One prisoner was even force-fed a pureed mix of hummus, nuts and pasta through his rectum, according to the report.

Hayden defended the tactics during a Thursday interview on the CNN program “The Lead With Jake Tapper.” “That was a medical procedure. That was done because of detainee health, that the people responsible there for the health of these detainees saw that they were becoming dehydrated. They had limited options in which to go do this,” Hayden said in the interview. “Jake, I’m not a doctor and neither are you, but what I am told is this is one of the ways that the body is rehydrated. These were medical procedures.”

Doctors and psychiatrists say Hayden is incorrect in the assertion that there is any medical application for rectal hydration or rectal feeding.

“He may have been told that by one of his underlings or something, but that’s totally false,” said Dr. J. Wesley Boyd, an assistant clinical professor of psychiatry at Harvard Medical School and faculty member at the school’s Center for Bioethics. “We hydrate people normally by handing them water, handing them a glass or bottle of water and you drink it. If you’re unconscious and unable to drink fluid, in those instances we would place an IV in your arm and run fluids into you that way. That is a legitimate medical procedure. ... Rectal feeding is full-on 100 percent torture, period. It’s about humiliation, it’s about degradation and exerting control and obviously about inflicting pain.”

Beyond that, the procedures -- variations of which Miles says have been employed in modern times by interrogators and torturers from Palestinian territories to Algiers -- are unethical for any medical professional to take part in, both Miles and Boyd said. They added that any doctor who participated in their application should not be allowed to practice medicine.

“Doctors have no place in severe interrogation or torture scenarios at all, even if their purported purpose is to tell interrogators that you need to stop beating the person or they’re going to die. I don’t even buy that," Boyd said. "Medical personnel should only work toward the health and betterment of people.” He added later, “Whatever state boards of medicine these physicians are licensed through, they should certainly take action against them.”

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Testimony of Kathryn Bolkovac
The Huffington Post reported Bolkovac's testimony in two sex scandals involving DynCorp in Bosnia:

DynCorp was involved in a sex slavery scandal in Bosnia in 1999, with its employees accused of rape and the buying and selling of girls as young as 12.

Dyncorp, hired to perform police duties for the UN and aircraft maintenance for the US Army, were implicated in prostituting the children, whereas the company’s Bosnia site supervisor filmed himself raping two women.

Kathryn Bolkovac also said in another interview:

There were many cases, but they were never prosecuted: Young girls from Romania, Ukraine, Moldova and other Eastern European countries being brought in to service the UN and military bases as sex-slaves.

The cases involved the officers from many foreign countries, including the USA, Pakistan, Germany, Romania, Ukraine, government contractors, and local organized criminals.

The human rights investigators were never allowed to fully investigate, the suspects were immediately removed from the mission or transferred to other missions. The young women were simply sent back to their home countries.

Source: Kathryn Bolkovac interview https://www.dw.com/en/bolkovac-un-tries-to-cover-up-peacekeeper-sex-abuse-scandal/a-19082815

DW: Some would say the scandal over sexual abuse of women and boys allegedly committed by UN-peacekeepers in the Central African Republic (CAR) is an isolated case. What are your experiences from your work as a human rights investigator for the International Police Task Force in Bosnia-Herzegovina?

Kathryn Bolkovac: What happened in Bosnia to the victims of human trafficking in the 1990s and 2000s is quite similar to the Central African Republic scandal: Specifically the abuse of vulnerable populations by organizations who are created and bound to protect, and the continued scandals surrounding the UN botched, covert and now overt, attempts to remove, terminate and discredit those who blow the whistle on their deeds. The terms cover-up and whistleblower are common within the walls of the United Nations and peacekeeping missions. I became aware of the sexual abuse in CAR last year while doing some consulting with international experts related to "Code Blue Campaign", to consider the best way to expose and disrupt the continued practice of the UN. What used to be complicity by the UN by turning a blind eye has grown into a one-eyed monster, blatantly impeding proper investigations and prosecution of crimes committed by peacekeepers. The smoke screen still lies with blaming the member states and claiming the UN has no control over disciplinary measures or prosecutions of peacekeepers from contributing states. To some extent this is true.

What cases did you find in Bosnia?

There were many cases, but they were never prosecuted: Young girls from Romania, Ukraine, Moldova and other Eastern European countries being brought in to service the UN and military bases as sex-slaves. The cases involved the officers from many foreign countries, including the USA, Pakistan, Germany, Romania, Ukraine, government contractors, and local organized criminals. The human rights investigators were never allowed to fully investigate, the suspects were immediately removed from the mission or transferred to other missions. The young women were simply sent back to their home countries.

Did the UN-officers know that the girls were victims of human trafficking?
USA Buchcover The Whistleblower von Autorin Kathryn Bolkovac

Her book inspired the movie "The Whistleblower" (2010), starring Rachel Weisz as Kathryn Bolkovac

Human trafficking was really not a term that was widely used in 1999 and 2001. I think that most UN officers considered these girls to be simply prostitutes. But they were trafficked into Bosnia from other countries and coerced to perform sexual acts. Many knew they might end up in these conditions, but most had no real choice based on the economic conditions in their home countries and the desperation to survive.

Did the higher UN officials know about that?

They certainly did, because I turned my reports over to them along with internal affairs. This was well documented. Many high-level UN officials knew about this, right up to Jacques Klein, the head of the UN mission in Bosnia.

Was there any charge or trial against the replaced UN officers?

No. None. Charges were never brought because the investigations were never allowed to be completed. That was the reason I was terminated and fired from my job, because I was trying to investigate these cases. After that, I took DynCorp to court in the United Kingdom, and I won my case for wrongful termination.

Did DynCorp, the company you worked for, suffer any damages in the business with the UN after that court found you lost your job only because you tried to investigate those cases?

No. They did not. The UN continues to use them, the US government continues to use them. DynCorp has grown bigger and bigger every year.

What are the possible causes of such behavior from officers on UN missions?

I think there are many causes. Part of this is that many people lose sight of their morals when they are 5,000 miles from home and think they will not get caught. Then they see that even if they are caught nothing of any consequence will happen to them.

UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon appointed security expert Jane Holl Lute to coordinate the UN response to allegations of sexual abuse by peacekeepers. After everything you went through, do you think the efforts of the UN are reliable?

I don't think that UN efforts are reliable at all over the last 15-20 years with regard to actually trying to do something to stop the sexual abuse of women and children in missions. They still refuse to send proper investigative teams to the field and they certainly are still trying to cover things up. All of this talk that they are giving out really is just talk, and it is clear that the highest-level officials of the UN will cover things up just to save their own reputation rather than doing the right thing.

What should be changed in the policy of the UN to curb sexual abuse on international missions?

I do not think you can just start making changes without changing high-level management officials, without changing the way the UN functions. There is no accountability at any level in the UN. The accountability is in the hands of the member states. As long as the member states are not going to discipline and prosecute the individuals who they send in the missions, then the UN is not going to do that either. The UN has written off that part of discipline and accountability. They rely on the member states to do that. It is time for the member states to take control of the United Nations and stop the blame game.

The former US policewoman Kathryn Bolkovac was hired in 1999 by DynCorp Aerospace for a UN post aimed at cracking down on sexual abuse and forced prostitution in post-war Bosnia-Herzegovina. She found evidence that some UN officers were taking part in the trafficking of young women from Eastern Europe as sex slaves. After having tried to investigate those cases, she was fired. Later, Kathryn Bolkovac was nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize.

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It’s Déjà Vu for DynCorp All Over Again

For an example of how just one transgression can lead to endless bad publicity consider the movie titled The Whistleblower that was released earlier this year. To summarize the plot, in Bosnia in 1999, Kathryn Bolkovac, a U.S. policewoman served as a U.N. peacekeeper. Her post was with the International Police Task Force which was arranged by DynCorp Aerospace. She was assigned to run the IPTF office that investigates sex trafficking, domestic abuse and sexual assault. She ultimately alleges that peacekeepers, U.N. workers and international police are visiting brothels and facilitating sex trafficking by forging documents and aiding the illegal transport of woman into Bosnia. DynCorp responds by firing Bolkovac, who returns to the U.S. and files a wrongful termination case. She wins the suit but says she’s still blacklisted.

Put bluntly, DynCorp was involved in a sex slavery scandal in Bosnia in 1999, with its employees accused of rape and the buying and selling of girls as young as 12. Dyncorp, hired to perform police duties for the UN and aircraft maintenance for the US Army, were implicated in prostituting the children, whereas the company’s Bosnia site supervisor filmed himself raping two women. A number of employees were transferred out of the country, but with no legal consequences for them.
This was one of two cases involving DynCorp and sexual scandal in Bosnia. The other, involved air plane mechanic Ben Johnston who sued DynCorp, alleging he was sacked because he had uncovered evidence that Dyncorp employees were involved in ‘sexual slavery.
The negative impact of just those two cases cannot be overstated. Indeed, search online for “dyncorp AND sex scandal” as I just did and you get nearly nine thousand hits. DynCorp spent many years trying to move past the bad publicity resulting from these cases. And indeed, one can look forward to more on the subject when Ms. Bolkovac’s book on the incident is released this coming January.
One could also note that, in a much less noticed case, in October 2004 it was revealed that DynCorp contract workers operating at Tolemaida Air Base in Colombia distributed a video in which they could be observed sexually violating underage girls from the town of Melgar. This video was even sold on the main streets of Bogotá. Nonetheless, the Lawyers’ Collective of Colombia has not learned of any criminal investigation undertaken in relation to these acts involving minors. According to follow-up work carried out by the Lawyers’ Collective it was discovered that one of the minors involved in the videos committed suicide some time after the publication of them.
Now DynCorp can look forward to a new round of ridicule and denunciations.
As first reported by the British Guardian newspaper, on June 24, 2009 the U.S. embassy in Afghanistan sent a cable to Washington, under the signature of Karl Eikenberry, U.S. ambassador to Afghanistan, regarding a meeting between Assistant Chief of Mission Joseph Mussomeli and Afghan Minister of Interior Hanif Atmar. Among the issues discussed was what diplomats delicately called the “Kunduz DynCorp Problem.” Kunduz is a northern province of Afghanistan
The problem was this:
1. In a May 2009 meeting interior minister Hanif Atmar expresses deep
concerns that if lives could be in danger if news leaked that foreign police trainers working for US commercial contractor DynCorp hired “dancing boys” to perform for them.
As the ever zealous Ms. Sparky has already noted:
The tradition of Bacha Bazi “boy play” is alive and well in Afghanistan. Young boys are bought and sold, dressed up like women and forced to dance, at men only parties. Many times they are then raped or killed.
...
According to Wikipedia:
Bacha Bazi (translated from Persian: literally “playing with children”), also known as bacchá ‘ (from the Persian bacheh “child, young man, calf”) is a practice recognized as sexual slavery and child prostitution in which prepubescent children and adolescents are sold to wealthy or powerful men for entertainment and sexual activities. This business thrives in southern Afghanistan, where many men keep them as status symbols. Some of the individuals involved report being forced into sex. The authorities are barely attempting to crack down on the practice as “un-Islamic and immoral acts” but many doubt it would be effective since many of the men are powerful and well-armed former commanders.
For more on dancing boys see this PBS Frontline documentary “The Dancing Boys of Afghanistan,” broadcast last year.
Here are the relevant parts of the cable:
1. (C) SUMMARY: Assistant Ambassador Mussomeli discussed a range of issues with Minister of Interior (MoI) Hanif Atmar on June 23. On the Kunduz Regional Training Center (RTC) DynCorp event of April 11 (reftel), Atmar reiterated his insistence that the U.S. try to quash any news article on the incident or circulation of a video connected with it. He continued to predict that publicity would “endanger lives.” He disclosed that he has arrested two Afghan police and nine other Afghans as part of an MoI investigation into Afghans who facilitated this crime of “purchasing a service from a child.” He pressed for CSTC-A [Combined Security Transition Command - Afghanistan] to be given full control over the police training program, including contractors. Mussomeli counseled that an overreaction by the Afghan goverment (GIRoA) would only increase chances for the greater publicity the MoI is trying to forestall.
KUNDUZ RTC DYNCORP UPDATE
4. (C) On June 23, Assistant Ambassador Mussomeli met with MOI Minister Hanif Atmar on a number of issues, beginning with the April 11 Kunduz RTC DynCorp investigation. Amb Mussomeli opened that the incident deeply upset us and we took strong steps in response.
An investigation is on-going, disciplinary actions were taken against DynCorp leaders in Afghanistan, we are also aware of proposals for new procedures, such as stationing a military officer at RTCs, that have been introduced for consideration. (Note: Placing military officers to oversee contractor operations at RTCs is not legally possible under the currentDynCorp contract.) Beyond remedial actions taken, we still hope the matter will not be blown out of proportion, an outcome which would not be good for either the U.S. or Afghanistan. A widely-anticipated newspaper article on the Kunduz scandal has not appeared but, if there is too much noise that may prompt the journalist to publish.
5. (C) Atmar said he insisted the journalist be told that publication would endanger lives. His request was that the U.S. quash the article and release of the video. Amb Mussomeli responded that going to the journalist would give her the sense that there is a more terrible story to report. Atmar then disclosed the arrest of two Afghan National Police (ANP) and nine other Afghans (including RTC language assistants) as part of an MoI investigation into Afghan “facilitators” of the event. The crime he was pursuing was “purchasing a service from a child,” which in Afghanistan is illegal under both Sharia law and the civil code, and against the ANP Code of Conduct for police officers who might be involved. He said he would use the civil code and that, in this case, the institution of the ANP will be protected, but he worried about the image of foreign mentors. Atmar said that President Karzai had told him that his (Atmar’s) “prestige” was in play in management of the Kunduz DynCorp matter and another recent event in which Blackwater contractors mistakenly killed several Afghan citizens. The President had asked him “Where is the justice?”
6. (C) Atmar said there was a larger issue to consider. He understood that within DynCorp there were many “wonderful” people working hard, and he was keen to see proper action taken to protect them; but, these contractor companies do not have many friends. He was aware that many questions about them go to SRAP Holbrooke and, in Afghanistan, there is increasing public skepticism about contractors. On the other hand, the conduct of the Combined Security Transition Command-Afghanistan (CSTC-A) is disciplined. Looking at these facts, he said, he wanted CSTC-A in charge. He wanted the ANP to become a model security institution just like the Afghan National Army (ANA) and National Directorate for Security (NDS), and the contractors were not producing what was desired. He suggested that the U.S. establish and independent commission to review the mentor situation, an idea he said Ambassador Eikenberry had first raised. Atmar added that he also wanted tighter control over Afghan employees. He was convinced that the Kunduz incident, and other events where mentors had obtained drugs, could not have happened without Afghan participation.
EIKENBERRY
Putting aside the fact that the primary concern of the U.S. official was that publicity about possible criminal behavior might lead to an “overreaction by the Afghan government” there are other points to consider.
Evidently the episode sparked Afghan demands that contractors and private security companies be brought under much tighter government control. But the US embassy was legally incapable of honoring Atmar’s request that the US military should assume authority over training centers managed by DynCorp.
It is possible that the involvement of foreigners could have turned into a major public scandal. Atmar warned about public anger towards contractors, who he said “do not have many friends” and said they needed far greater oversight.
He insisted that a journalist looking into the incident should be told that the story would endanger lives, and that the US should try to quash the story. But US diplomats cautioned against an “overreaction” and said that approaching the journalist involved would only make the story worse.
The strategy appeared to work when an article was published in July by the Washington Post about the incident, which made little of the affair, saying it was an incident of “questionable management oversight” in which foreign DynCorp workers “hired a teenage boy to perform a tribal dance at a company farewell party.”
Given this incident it is easier to understand why earlier this year Karzai issued a decree calling for the dissolution of all private security companies by the end of the year, an edict that has since been slightly watered down.
While nobody has accused the DynCorp contractors of any improper conduct with the “dancing boys” themselves one has to wonder where their common sense was. Anyone with half a brain should be able to realize that buying drugs and hired dancing boys for the entertainment of Afghan police you are helping to train is not something you want to do. One should be able to figure that out without having to contact headquarters for guidance. Generally, that is what people call a no-brainer.
This also makes you wonder how serious DynCorp is about its ethics. For example one might think the section in its Code of Ethics and Business Conduct about protecting the company’s image might clue an employee in to the reality that hiring dancing boys is not a good idea. But no, it turns out that it just means “We must ensure that all public statements, including flings with Government agencies, are accurate, complete and clear, and communicated only by authorized Company spokespersons.” Perhaps they thought that as long as the U.S. government did not object they had no problem. It does, however, make you wonder if there is a line items for “dancing boys” in one of the invoices DynCorp submitted to the government.
Actually, there is nothing in the DynCorp code of ethics that is remotely applicable to this situation. Evidently, avoiding behavior that might aid, even if only indirectly, illegal conduct by foreign nationals is not its concern. To be fair, I doubt any other PMC is any different.
But wait, what about that recently signed International Code of Conduct for Private Security Service Providers that was signed in Geneva last month to much fanfare. For a day you could barely hear anything over the din produced by private military and security contractor officials patting themselves on the back and congratulating themselves over this supposed achievement.
And, yes, it does have some relevance. Paragraph 38 clearly states:
Signatory Companies will not benefit from, nor allow their Personnel to engage in or benefit from, sexual exploitation (including, for these purposes, prostitution) and abuse or gender-based violence or crimes, either within the Company or externally, including rape, sexual harassment, or any other form of sexual abuse or violence. Signatory Companies will, and will require their Personnel to, remain vigilant for all instances of sexual or gender-based violence and, where discovered, report such instances to competent authorities.
DynCorp is one of the signatories to this. Of course this incident happened before the ICOC was signed, so it is irrelevant in this case.
Finally, there is the recently renamed PMC trade group, International Stability Operations Association, which has long had DynCorp as a member. ISOA’s Code of Conduct clearly states “Signatories shall respect the dignity of all human beings and strictly adhere to all applicable international humanitarian and human rights laws.”
ISOA’s code also says, “Signatories will be guided by all pertinent rules of international humanitarian and human rights laws including as set forth in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948).
Funny they should mention that as the Declaration has some provisions relevant to dancing boys:
Article 4.
No one shall be held in slavery or servitude; slavery and the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms.
Article 5.
No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.
It will be interesting to see if ISOA will at least bother to check with DynCorp to get the details of what happened. But if it doesn’t ISOA does have a grievance procedure where anyone can make a complaint about one of its member companies.

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Testimony of Ben Johnston
Air plane mechanic Ben Johnston who sued DynCorp had uncovered evidence that Dyncorp employees were involved in "sexual slavery".

Kelly Patricia O'Meara from Insight Magazine interviewed Ben Johnston. Johnston's longer account can be read here. Kelly Patricia O'Meara would report a DynCorp employee who:

owned a girl who couldn't have been more than 14 years old. It's a sick sight anyway to see any grown man [having sex] with a child, but to see some 45-year-old man who weighs 400 pounds with a little girl, it just makes you sick.

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US: DynCorp Disgrace
by Kelly Patricia O'Meara, Insight Magazine
January 14th, 2002


Middle-aged men having sex with 12- to 15-year-olds was too much for Ben Johnston, a hulking 6-foot-5-inch Texan, and more than a year ago he blew the whistle on his employer, DynCorp, a U.S. contracting company doing business in Bosnia.

According to the Racketeer Influenced Corrupt Organization Act (RICO) lawsuit filed in Texas on behalf of the former DynCorp aircraft mechanic, "in the latter part of 1999 Johnston learned that employees and supervisors from DynCorpwere engaging in perverse, illegal and inhumane behavior [and] were purchasing illegal weapons, women, forged passports and [participating in other immoral acts. Johnston witnessed coworkers and supervisors literally buying and selling women for their own personal enjoyment, and employees would brag about the various ages and talents of the individual slaves they had purchased."

Rather than acknowledge and reward Johnston's effort to get this behavior stopped, DynCorp fired him, forcing him into protective custody by the U.S. Army Criminal Investigation Division (CID) until the investigators could get him safely out of Kosovo and returned to the United States. That departure from the war-torn country was a far cry from what Johnston imagined a year earlier when he arrived in Bosnia to begin a three-year U.S. Air Force contract with DynCorp as an aircraft-maintenance technician for Apache and Blackhawk helicopters.

For more than 50 years DynCorp, based in Reston, Va., has been a worldwide force providing maintenance support to the U.S. military through contract field teams (CFTs). As one of the federal government's top 25 contractors, DynCorp has received nearly $1 billion since 1995 for these services and has deployed 181 personnel to Bosnia during the last six years. Although DynCorp long has been respected for such work, according to Johnston and internal DynCorp communications it appears that extracurricular sexcapades on the part of its employees were tolerated by some as part of its business in Bosnia.

But DynCorp was nervous. For instance, an internal e-mail from DynCorp employee Darrin Mills, who apparently was sent to Bosnia to look into reported problems, said, "I met with Col. Braun [a base supervisor] yesterday. He is very concerned about the CID investigation; however, he views it mostly as a DynCorp problem. What he wanted to talk about most was how I am going to fix the maintenance problems here and how the investigation is going to impact our ability to fix his airplanes." The Mills e-mail continued: "The first thing he told me is that 'they are tired of having smoke blown up their ass.' They don't want anymore empty promises."

An e-mail from Dyncorp's Bosnia site supervisor, John Hirtz (later fired for alleged sexual indiscretions), explains DynCorp's position in Bosnia. "The bottom line is that DynCorp has taken what used to be a real positive program that has very high visibility with every Army unit in the world and turned it into a bag of worms. Poor quality was the major issue."

Johnston was on the ground and saw firsthand what the military was complaining about. "My main problem," he explains, "was [sexual misbehavior] with the kids, but I wasn't too happy with them ripping off the government, either. DynCorp is just as immoral and elite as possible, and any rule they can break they do. There was this one guy who would hide parts so we would have to wait for parts and, when the military would question why it was taking so long, he'd pull out the part and say 'Hey, you need to install this.' They'd have us replace windows in helicopters that weren't bad just to get paid. They had one kid, James Harlin, over there who was right out of high school and he didn't even know the names and purposes of the basic tools. Soldiers that are paid $18,000 a year know more than this kid, but this is the way they [DynCorp] grease their pockets. What they say in Bosnia is that DynCorp just needs a warm body - that's the DynCorp slogan. Even if you don't do an eight-hour day, they'll sign you in for it because that's how they bill the government. It's a total fraud."

Remember, Johnston was fired by this company. He laughs bitterly recalling the work habits of a DynCorp employee in Bosnia who "weighed 400 pounds and would stick cheeseburgers in his pockets and eat them while he worked. The problem was he would literally fall asleep every five minutes. One time he fell asleep with a torch in his hand and burned a hole through the plastic on an aircraft." This same man, according to Johnston, "owned a girl who couldn't have been more than 14 years old. It's a sick sight anyway to see any grown man [having sex] with a child, but to see some 45-year-old man who weighs 400 pounds with a little girl, it just makes you sick." It is precisely these allegations that Johnston believes got him fired.

Johnston reports that he had been in Bosnia only a few days when he became aware of misbehavior in which many of his DynCorp colleagues were involved. He tells INSIGHT, "I noticed there were problems as soon as I got there, and I tried to be covert because I knew it was a rougher crowd than I'd ever dealt with. It's not like I don't drink or anything, but DynCorp employees would come to work drunk. A DynCorp van would pick us up every morning and you could smell the alcohol on them. There were big-time drinking issues. I always told these guys what I thought of what they were doing, and I guess they just thought I was a self-righteous fool or something, but I didn't care what they thought."

The mix of drunkenness and working on multimillion-dollar aircraft upon which the lives of U.S. military personnel depended was a serious enough issue, but Johnston drew the line when it came to buying young girls and women as sex slaves. "I heard talk about the prostitution right away, but it took some time before I understood that they were buying these girls. I'd tell them that it was wrong and that it was no different than slavery - that you can't buy women. But they'd buy the women's passports and they [then] owned them and would sell them to each other."

"At first," explains Johnston, "I just told the guys it was wrong. Then I went to my supervisors, including John Hirtz, although at the time I didn't realize how deep into it he was. Later I learned that he had videotaped himself having sex with two girls and CID has that video as evidence. Hirtz is the guy who would take new employees to the brothels and set them up so he got his women free. The Serbian mafia would give Hirtz the women free and, when one of the guys was leaving the country, Hirtz would go to the mafia and make sure that the guys didn't owe them any money."

"None of the girls," continues Johnston, "were from Bosnia. They were from Russia, Romania and other places, and they were imported in by DynCorp and the Serbian mafia. These guys would say 'I gotta go to Serbia this weekend topick up three girls.' They talk about it and brag about how much they pay for them - usually between $600 and $800. In fact, there was this one guy who had to be 60 years old who had a girl who couldn't have been 14. DynCorp leadership was 100 percent in bed with the mafia over there. I didn't get any results from talking to DynCorp officials, so I went to Army CID and I drove around with them, pointing out everyone's houses who owned women and weapons."

That's when Johnston's life took a dramatic turn.

On June 2, 2000, members of the 48th Military Police Detachment conducted a sting on the DynCorp hangar at Comanche Base Camp, one of two U.S. bases in Bosnia, and all DynCorp personnel were detained for questioning. CID spent several weeks working the investigation and the results appear to support Johnston's allegations. For example, according to DynCorp employee Kevin Werner's sworn statement to CID, "during my last six months I have come to know a man we call 'Debeli,' which is Bosnian for fat boy. He is the operator of a nightclub by the name of Harley's that offers prostitution. Women are sold hourly, nightly or permanently."

Werner admitted to having purchased a woman to get her out of prostitution and named other DynCorp employees who also had paid to own women. He further admitted to having purchased weapons (against the law in Bosnia) and it was Werner who turned over to CID the videotape made by Hirtz. Werner apparently intended to use the video as leverage in the event that Hirtz decided to fire him. Werner tells CID, "I told him [Hirtz] I had a copy and that all I wanted was to be treated fairly. If I was going to be fired or laid off, I wanted it to be because of my work performance and not because he was not happy with me."

According to Hirtz's own sworn statement to CID, there appears to be little doubt that he did indeed rape one of the girls with whom he is shown having sexual intercourse in his homemade video.

CID: Did you have sexual intercourse with the second woman on the tape?

Hirtz: Yes

CID: Did you have intercourse with the second woman after she said "no" to you?

Hirtz: I don't recall her saying that. I don't think it was her saying "no."

CID: Who do you think said "no"?

Hirtz: I don't know.

CID: According to what you witnessed on the videotape played for you in which you were having sexual intercourse with the second woman, did you have sexual intercourse with the second woman after she said "no" to you?

Hirtz: Yes.

CID: Did you know you were being videotaped?

Hirtz: Yes. I set it up.

CID: Did you know it is wrong to force yourself upon someone without their
consent?

Hirtz: Yes.

The CID agents did not ask any of the men involved what the ages of the "women" were who had been purchased or used for prostitution. According to CID, which sought guidance from the Office of the Staff Judge Advocate in Bosnia, "under the Dayton Peace Accord, the contractors were protected from Bosnian law which did not apply to them. They knew of no [U.S.] federal laws that would apply to these individuals at this time."

However, CID took another look and, according to the investigation report, under Paragraph 5 of the NATO Agreement Between the Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina and Croatia regarding the status of NATO and its personnel, contractors "were not immune from local prosecution if the acts were committed outside the scope of their official duties."

Incredibly, the CID case was closed in June 2000 and turned over to the Bosnian authorities. DynCorp says it conducted its own investigation, and Hirtz and Werner were fired by DynCorp and returned to the United States but were not prosecuted. Experts in slave trafficking aren't buying the CID's interpretation of the law.

Widney Brown, an advocate for Human Rights Watch, tells INSIGHT "our government has an obligation to tell these companies that this behavior is wrong and they will be held accountable. They should be sending a clear message that it won't be tolerated. One would hope that these people wouldn't need to be told that they can't buy women, but you have to start off by laying the ground rules. Rape is a crime in any jurisdiction and there should not be impunity for anyone. Firing someone is not sufficient punishment. This is a very distressing story - especially when you think that these people and organizations are going into these countries to try and make it better, to restore a rule of law and some civility."

Christine Dolan, founder of the International Humanitarian Campaign Against the Exploitation of Children, a Washington-based nonprofit organization, tells Insight: "What is surprising to me is that Dyncorp has kept this contract. The U.S. says it wants to eradicate trafficking of people, has established an office in the State Department for this purpose, and yet neither State nor the government-contracting authorities have stepped in and done an investigation of this matter."

Dolan says, "It's not just Americans who are participating in these illegal acts. But what makes this more egregious for the U.S. is that our purpose in those regions is to restore some sense of civility. Now you've got employees of U.S. contractors in bed with the local mafia and buying kids for sex! That these guys have some kind of immunity from prosecution is morally outrageous. How can men be allowed to get away with rape simply because of location? Rape is a crime no matter where it occurs and it's important to remember that even prostitution is against the law in Bosnia. The message we're sending to kids is that it's okay for America's representatives to rape children. We talk about the future of the children, helping to build economies, democracy, the rule of law, and at the same time we fail to prosecute cases like this. That is immoral and hypocritical, and if DynCorp is involved in this in any way it should forfeit its contract and pay restitution in the form of training about trafficking."

Charlene Wheeless, a spokeswoman for DynCorp, vehemently denies any culpability on the part of the company, According to Wheeless, "The notion that a company such as DynCorp would turn a blind eye to illegal behavior by our employees is incomprehensible. DynCorp adheres to a core set of values that has served as the backbone of our corporation for the last 55 years, helping us become one of the largest and most respected professional-services and outsourcing companies in the world. We can't stress strongly enough that, as an employee-owned corporation, we take ethics very seriously. DynCorp stands by its decision to terminate [whistle-blower] Ben Johnston, who was terminated for cause."

What was the "cause" for which Johnston was fired? He received his only reprimand from DynCorp one day prior to the sting on the DynCorp hangar when Johnston was working with CID. A week later he received a letter of discharge for bringing "discredit to the company and the U.S. Army while working in Tuzla, Bosnia-Herzegovina." The discharge notice did not say how Johnston "brought discredit to the company."

It soon developed conveniently, according to Johnston's attorneys, that he was implicated by a DynCorp employee for illegal activity in Bosnia. Harlin, the
young high-school graduate Johnston complained had no experience in aircraft maintenance and didn't even know the purposes of the basic tools, provided a sworn statement to CID about Johnston. Asked if anyone ever had offered to sell him a weapon, Harlin fingered Johnston and DynCorp employee Tom Oliver, who also had disapproved of the behavior of DynCorp employees.

Harlin even alleged that Johnston was "hanging out with Kevin Werner." Although Werner had no problem revealing the names and illegal activities of other DynCorp employees, Werner did not mention Johnston's name in his sworn statement.

Kevin Glasheen, Johnston's attorney, says flatly of this: "It's DynCorp's effort to undermine Ben's credibility. But I think once the jury hears this case, that accusation is only going to make them more angry at DynCorp. In order to make our claim, we have to show that DynCorp was retaliating against Ben, and that fits under racketeering. There is a lot of evidence that shows this was what they were doing and that it went all the way up the management chain."

According to Glasheen, "DynCorp says that whatever these guys were doing isn't corporate activity and they're not responsible for it. But this problem permeated their business and management and they made business decisions to further the scheme and to cover it up. We have to show that there was a causal connection between Ben's whistle-blowing about the sex trade and his being fired. We can do that. We're here to prove a retaliation case, not convict DynCorp of participating in the sex-slave trade.

"What you have here is a Lord of the Flies mentality. Basically you've got a bunch of strong men who are raping and manipulating young girls who have been kidnapped from their homes. Who's the bad guy? Is it the guy who buys the girl to give her freedom, the one who kidnaps her and sells her or the one who liberates her and ends up having sex with her? And what does it mean when the U.S. steps up and says, 'We don't have any jurisdiction'? That's absurd."

The outraged attorney pauses for breath. "This is more than one twisted mind. There was a real corporate culture with a deep commitment to a cover-up. And it's outrageous that DynCorp still is being paid by the government on this contract. The worst thing I've seen is a DynCorp e-mail after this first came up where they're saying how they have turned this thing into a marketing success, that they have convinced the government that they could handle something like this."

Johnston is not the only DynCorp employee to blow the whistle and sue the billion-dollar government contractor. Kathryn Bolkovac, a U.N. International Police Force monitor hired by the U.S. company on another U.N.-related contract, has filed a lawsuit in Great Britain against DynCorp for wrongful termination. DynCorp had a $15 million contract to hire and train police officers for duty in Bosnia at the time she reported such officers were paying for prostitutes and participating in sex-trafficking. Many of these were forced to resign under suspicion of illegal activity, but none have been prosecuted, as they also enjoy immunity from prosecution in Bosnia.

DynCorp has admitted it fired five employees for similar illegal activities prior to Johnston's charges.

But Johnston worries about what this company's culture does to the reputation of the United States. "The Bosnians think we're all trash. It's a shame. When I was there as a soldier they loved us, but DynCorp employees have changed how they think about us. I tried to tell them that this is not how all Americans act, but it's hard to convince them when you see what they're seeing. The fact is, DynCorp is the worst diplomat you could possibly have over there."

Johnston's attorney looks to the outcome. "How this all ends," says Glasheen, "will say a lot about what we stand for and what we won't stand for." Kelly Patricia O'Meara is an investigative reporter for Insight.

----------------------------------------------

What happened to the whistleblowers?
Both Johnston and Bolkovac were fired, and Johnston was later placed into protective custody before leaving several days later.

Federal investigation
On June 2, 2000, an investigation was launched in the DynCorp hangar at Comanche Base Camp, one of two U.S. bases in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and all DynCorp personnel were detained for questioning. CID spent several weeks investigating and the results appear to support Johnston's allegations. DynCorp had fired five employees for similar illegal activities prior to the charges. Many of the employees accused of sex trafficking were forced to resign under suspicion of illegal activity.

As of 2017 no one had been prosecuted.
On March 11, 2005, however, at the Fiscal Year 2006 Defense Department Budget Hearing, Georgia Congresswoman Cynthia McKinney questioned Donald Rumsfeld, Secretary of Defense under President George W. Bush, about the US government's relationship with DynCorp, particularly after DynCorp was found to have engaged in woman and child sex trafficking. The revealing dialogue between McKinney and Rumsfeld can be found on YouTube. (Backup)

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lVJ-ysoVUcU&feature=youtu.be

Perhaps by coincidence or her own actions in the Capital Hill Police Incident (the exact circumstances of which remain unclear), that would be Cynthia McKinney's last term in public office.(1)

Part Four - DynCorp Case: Afghanistan and the Kunduz "Dancing Boy" Incident

The "Official" Story
In 2009, DynCorp contractors paid a 17-year-old Afghan Bacha Bazi performer to entertain them in Kunduz. Several Afghans were later arrested and investigated. It would be officially reported that the boy was dressed in jeans and a t-shirt and performed a "tribal dance" and no DynCorp employee would be prosecuted.

Hillary Clinton and the story's cover-up
This 2009 email from Hillary Clinton's archive mentions DynCorp's hiring of an “adolescent boy dancer” from Afghanistan “for some sort of event that, at least to most folks, looked very inappropriate.” Here is the direct quote:

According to my reporting, the week of April 13th, the DynCorp regional commander from Konduz, Flint Chambers, allowed his men to hire a 15-year-old boy dancer to do tribal dances at a DynCorp party on the training site.

Some 15 or so DynCorp employees in attendance pulled out a single chair and had the boy do mock lap dances. This was captured on video.

The video shows DynCorp employees putting dollar bills in the boy’s waistband, just as they would a stripper’s garter. The revelry lasted about 45 minutes.

This message was sent directly to Hillary Clinton from Cheryl Mills who is one of her most prominent lawyers (she also defended Bill Clinton from impeachment). Based on the email, it appears The Washington Post was writing to Hillary Clinton and her team about an upcoming article on the DynCorp Afghanistan scandal, and it appears Mills and the rest of the team then engaged in damage control to hush parts of that upcoming article.

In the Hillary Clinton emails there is another about “inappropriate behavior by department contractor” which also took place in Afghanistan on April 16th, 2009, the circumstances of which are unclear but may refer to a contractor's drug overdose mentioned in the Afghan boy email.

AFGHANISTAN: INAPPROPRIATE BEHAVIOR BY DEPARTMENT CONTRACTOR

From: David Johnson
To: Jacob Lew
Date: 2001-01-01 03:00
Subject: AFGHANISTAN: INAPPROPRIATE BEHAVIOR BY DEPARTMENT CONTRACTOR

UNCLASSIFIED U.S. Department of State Case No. F-2014-20439 Doc No. C05761712 Date: 06/30/2015

RELEASE IN PART
B7(A)

SENSITIVE BUT UNCLASSIFIED

NOTE FOR DEPUTY SECRETARY LEW

SUBJECT: Afghanistan: Inappropriate Behavior by Department Contractor

FROM: INL —David T. Johnson

Over the course of the last few weeks, employees of DynCorp International,
the INL contractor in Afghanistan providing police trainers, aviation support, and
security, have been discovered in a series of compromising situations.

Based on this continuing pattern of allegations concerning inappropriate
conduct in Afghanistan, I called in DynCorp International's corporate management

April 16, to make crystal clear that:

UNCLASSIFIED U.S. Department of State Case No. F-2014-20439 Doc No. C05761712 Date: 06/30/2015

SENSITIVE BUT UNCLASSIFIED

The message was conveyed clearly and bluntly, and given the pattern of behavior, we will be watching closely for remedial actions. The DynCorp team was contrite, admitted that their internal controls were clearly inadequate if these things had occurred, and committed to take effective action, beginning with a visit by senior management to Kabul next week.

SENSITIVE BUT UNCLASSIFIED

UNCLASSIFIED U.S. Department of State Case No. F-2014-20439 Doc No. C05761712 Date: 06/30/2015

Approved by: INL: David T. Johnson

Drafted: INL/AP: Karen Hall, x68760/D Brown, x68724, 4/16/09

Cleared: INL: WJMcGlynn 

Cable reveals important clues on the real events
The Afghan Minister of Interior, Hanif Atmar, was mentioned in a United States diplomatic cable to the State Department asking vehemently that the story of the dancing boy be silenced:

Atmar reiterated his insistence that the U.S. try to quash any news article on the incident or circulation of a video connected with it.

He continued to predict that publicity would "endanger lives."

He disclosed that he has arrested two Afghan police and nine other Afghans as part of an MoI investigation into Afghans who facilitated this crime of "purchasing a service from a child."

He was convinced that the Kunduz incident, and other events where mentors had obtained drugs, could not have happened without Afghan participation.

Classified By: POLMIL COUNSELOR ROBERT CLARKE FOR REASONS 1.4 (B) AND ( D) 1. (C) SUMMARY: Assistant Ambassador Mussomeli discussed a range of issues with Minister of Interior (MoI) Hanif Atmar on June 23. On the Kunduz Regional Training Center (RTC) DynCorp event of April 11 (reftel), Atmar reiterated his insistence that the U.S. try to quash any news article on the incident or circulation of a video connected with it. He continued to predict that publicity would "endanger lives." He disclosed that he has arrested two Afghan police and nine other Afghans as part of an MoI investigation into Afghans who facilitated this crime of "purchasing a service from a child." He pressed for CSTC-A to be given full control over the police training program, including contractors. Mussomeli counseled that an overreaction by the Afghan goverment (GIRoA) would only increase chances for the greater publicity the MoI is trying to forestall. 2. (C) On armored vehicles and air transport for presidential candidates, Atmar pitched strongly to have the GIRoA decide which candidates were under threat and to retain control of allocation of these assets. He agreed with the principle of a level playing field for candidates but argued that "direct support by foreigners" demonstrated a lack of confidence in GIRoA. If GIRoA failed to be fair, international assets and plans in reserve could be used. On another elections-related issue, Atmar claimed that two Helmand would-be provincial candidates (and key Karzai supporters) disqualified under DIAG rules had actually possessed weapons as part of a GIRoA contract to provide security for contractors. 3. (C) Atmar also was enthusiastic about working out arrangements with the 2nd Marine Expeditionary Brigade (MEB) in RC-South to partner with the Afghan Border Police (ABP) on training and joint operations to extend GIRoA governance south. He is considering giving BG Melham, a highly regarded Afghan officer, responsibility for ABP in Nimruz and Helmand provinces. END SUMMARY. KUNDUZ RTC DYNCORP UPDATE 4. (C) On June 23, Assistant Ambassador Mussomeli met with MOI Minister Hanif Atmar on a number of issues, beginning with the April 11 Kunduz RTC DynCorp investigation. Amb Mussomeli opened that the incident deeply upset us and we took strong steps in response. An investigation is on-going, disciplinary actions were taken against DynCorp leaders in Afghanistan, we are also aware of proposals for new procedures, such as stationing a military officer at RTCs, that have been introduced for consideration. (Note: Placing military officers to oversee contractor operations at RTCs is not legally possible under the currentDynCorp contract.) Beyond remedial actions taken, we still hope the matter will not be blown out of proportion, an outcome which would not be good for either the U.S. or Afghanistan. A widely-anticipated newspaper article on the Kunduz scandal has not appeared but, if there is too much noise that may prompt the journalist to publish. 5. (C) Atmar said he insisted the journalist be told that publication would endanger lives. His request was that the U.S. quash the article and release of the video. Amb Mussomeli responded that going to the journalist would give her the sense that there is a more terrible story to report. Atmar then disclosed the arrest of two Afghan National Police (ANP) and nine other Afghans (including RTC language assistants) as part of an MoI investigation into Afghan "facilitators" of the event. The crime he was pursuing was "purchasing a service from a child," which in Afghanistan is illegal under both Sharia law and the civil code, and against the ANP Code of Conduct for police officers who might be involved. He said he would use the civil code and that, in this case, the institution of the ANP will be protected, but he worried about the image of foreign mentors. Atmar said that President Karzai had told him that his (Atmar's) "prestige" was in play in management of the Kunduz DynCorp matter and another recent event in which Blackwater contractors mistakenly killed several Afghan citizens. The President had asked him "Where is the justice?" 6. (C) Atmar said there was a larger issue to consider. He KABUL 00001651 002 OF 003 understood that within DynCorp there were many "wonderful" people working hard, and he was keen to see proper action taken to protect them; but, these contractor companies do not have many friends. He was aware that many questions about them go to SRAP Holbrooke and, in Afghanistan, there is increasing public skepticism about contractors. On the other hand, the conduct of the Combined Security Transition Command-Afghanistan (CSTC-A) is disciplined. Looking at these facts, he said, he wanted CSTC-A in charge. He wanted the ANP to become a model security institution just like the Afghan National Army (ANA) and National Directorate for Security (NDS), and the contractors were not producing what was desired. He suggested that the U.S. establish and independent commission to review the mentor situation, an idea he said Ambassador Eikenberry had first raised. Atmar added that he also wanted tighter control over Afghan employees. He was convinced that the Kunduz incident, and other events where mentors had obtained drugs, could not have happened without Afghan participation. ARMORED VEHICLES (AND AIR TRANSPORT) FOR PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES 7. (C) Atmar expressed strong opinions about the use of armored vehicles for travel by presidential candidates that he has requested be provided to MoI by the U.S. and UK. He said it was up to MoI to decide whether a candidate was under threat or not. Atmar opined that it should be an MoD responsibility to provide air transport for presidential candidates. Amb Mussomeli explained that we want a level playing field, which Atmar agreed was necessary. However, Atmar said there were two important considerations: 1) some of the electorate will view that the candidates are controlled by foreigners if provided non-GIRoA transport; and 2) bypassing the MoI or MoD with "direct support by foreigners" demonstrated a lack of confidence in the Afghanistan government. When Amb Mussomeli said MOD lacked adequate aircraft to cover all candidates, Atmar responded that MoD could ask ISAF for help but should retain control of the travel. Amb Mussomeli pointed out that some reasonably worried that such a plan will falter or will not be fairly implemented. Atmar answered "Just give us a chance. If we fail, then you have your own planes and plans in reserve." DIAG-DISQUALIFIED CANDIDATES IN HELMAND 8. (C) In a discussion on two would-be provincial election candidates in Helmand who were disqualified by the Disbandment of Illegally Armed Groups (DIAG) program, Atmar said he had looked into requests to stand firm against their reinstatement, but it was a "big, contentious issue that is not explainable to President Karzai." Atmar said that the only reason these two candidates were barred was for having weapons, apparently against DIAG rules. In fact, he said, they were "contracted by the state" to have those weapons in order to provide security for contractors. He acknowledged that the "contract" had not been properly registered, and suggested that the GIRoA would take care of the registration. AFGHAN BORDER POLICE (ABP) AND PARTNERING WITH THE MARINES IN RC-SOUTH 9. (C) Atmar enthusiastically proposed an MOI meeting with the leadership of the 2nd Marine Expeditionary Brigade (MEB) and CSTC-A to work out arrangements for good partnering, training, and joint operations with Afghan security forces in RC-South. The MEB would like two ABP companies (approximately 250 police) currently located near Lashkar Gah to move south, and to be mobile enough to move further south when opportunities arise. The MEB would like a customs officer to be attached to these ABP companies so that the reach of GIRoA governance can be extended when insurgent-controlled or dominated territory is opened. Atmar stopped short of making a final promise to give a highly-regarded Afghan officer, BG Melham (whom he personally respects), responsibility for the ABP in Nimruz and Helmand provinces, but he was aware of concerns about the current responsible officer (BG Noorzai). KABUL INTERNATIONAL SCHOOL (ISK) 10. (U) Amb Mussomeli expressed concern over a plan by a District Police Chief to remove security barriers at ISK (an primary and secondary school partially dependent on USAID and other Mission funding support) that keep the road closed to KABUL 00001651 003 OF 003 normal traffic. Removing the barriers could endanger the kids and teachers who walk between two compounds. Atmar said that he was very familiar with ISK and "no barriers would be touched," although he added that perhaps an arrangement could be made to unblock the road and have the ISK security personnel search vehicles. EIKENBERRY

HORRIFYING

The details are horrifying... Apparently, US diplomats told him not to worry, and the eventual story was in fact watered down greatly (until now, of course) calling the whole thing a "tribal dance," rather than a party where young boys wear "scanty women's clothes" and "dance seductively" before being "auctioned off to the highest bidder" for sex.

Source TechDirt: http://archive.is/xKPtc   

So Leakers are Evil For Releasing Documents... But DynCorp Gets A Pass For Pimping Young Boys To Afghan Cops? from the wtf dept

One refrain we keep hearing against leakers is that the cable releases aren't really "whistleblowing," because they're not really revealing anything. However, it seems like each day there's another big revelation of rather horrible things being done (and covered up) by the US government. The latest, pointed out by Boing Boing, involves a report from a cable that US-based private security contractor DynCorp, who was hired by the US to train Afghani police, was apparently supplying drugs and young boys for a sort of sex party.

The details are horrifying. The Afghani interior minister apparently went to US officials to warn them that reporters were sniffing around this story, and urged them to try to kill the story. He specifically warned that this would look bad if the connection to DynCorp was made clear (he called them "foreign mentors"). Apparently, US diplomats told him not to worry, and the eventual story was in fact watered down greatly (until now, of course) calling the whole thing a "tribal dance," rather than a party where young boys wear "scanty women's clothes" and "dance seductively" before being "auctioned off to the highest bidder" for sex.

Oh, did we mention that DynCorp makes $2 billion per year -- 95% of which comes from American taxpayers.

And US government officials are declaring Wikileaks as an organization to shun and not to work with? What about DynCorp? Are their DNS providers pulling the plug? Are their banks shutting down their accounts? Are they being denounced by Hillary Clinton and Joe Lieberman? No? Why the hell not?

Part Five: The Real Shadowmen of Haiti

 https://steemit.com/pizzagate/@rebelskum/the-case-against-dyncorp-part-vi-dynport-vaccine-company-anthrax-and-the-black-death

Since at least 1994 DynCorp has been actively engaged in military activities in Haiti. During this time period they trained United Nations forces, local police, and the Haitian military. Also during this time DynCorp, United Nations peacekeeprs, and Haitian police would all be accused of facilitating and directly participating in sexual abuse against children and human trafficking.

US troops remained in the country until 1999. The Haitian armed forces were disbanded and the US State Department hired a mercenary company DynCorp to provide "technical advice" in restructuring the Haitian National Police (HNP).

DynCorp has always functioned as a cut-out for Pentagon and CIA covert operations.’ Under DynCorp advice in Haiti, former Tonton Macoute and Haitian military officers involved in the 1991 coup d'état were brought into the HNP.

Source: Global Research

-------------------------------------------------

The Destabilization of Haiti By Prof Michel Chossudovsky

https://www.globalresearch.ca/the-destabilization-of-haiti/56

Double Standards

The White House has called into question Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide’s “fitness to continue to govern his country”. According to the official White House statement released one day before Aristide’s departure for the Dominican Republic:

“His failure to adhere to democratic principles has contributed to the deep polarization and violent unrest that we are witnessing in Haiti today… His own actions have called into question his fitness to continue to govern Haiti. We urge him to examine his position carefully, to accept responsibility, and to act in the best interests of the people of Haiti”

Now should we not apply the same standards to President George W. Bush who has lied to the American people, violated international law and waged a criminal war based on a fabricated pretext?

This article was written in the last days of February 2004 in response to the barrage of disinformation in the mainstream media. It was completed on February 29th, the day of President Jean Bertrand Aristide’s kidnapping and deportation by US Forces.

The armed insurrection which contributed to unseating President Aristide on February 29th 2004 was the result of a carefully staged military-intelligence operation.

The Rebel paramilitary army crossed the border from the Dominican Republic in early February. It constitutes a well armed, trained and equipped paramilitary unit integrated by former members of Le Front pour l’avancement et le progrès d’Haiti (FRAPH), the “plain clothes” death squadrons, involved in mass killings of civilians and political assassinations during the CIA sponsored 1991 military coup, which led to the overthrow of the democratically elected government of President Jean Bertrand Aristide

The self-proclaimed Front pour la Libération et la reconstruction nationale (FLRN) (National Liberation and Reconstruction Front) is led by Guy Philippe, a former member of the Haitian Armed Forces and Police Chief. Philippe had been trained during the 1991 coup years by US Special Forces in Ecuador, together with a dozen other Haitian Army officers. (See Juan Gonzalez, New York Daily News, 24 February 2004).

The two other rebel commanders and associates of Guy Philippe, who led the attacks on Gonaives and Cap Haitien are Emmanuel Constant, nicknamed “Toto” and Jodel Chamblain, both of whom are former Tonton Macoute and leaders of FRAPH.

In 1994, Emmanuel Constant led the FRAPH assassination squadron into the village of Raboteau, in what was later identified as “The Raboteau massacre”:

“One of the last of the infamous massacres happened in April 1994 in Raboteau, a seaside slum about 100 miles north of the capital. Raboteau has about 6,000 residents, most fishermen and salt rakers, but it has a reputation as an opposition stronghold where political dissidents often went to hide… On April 18 [1994], 100 soldiers and about 30 paramilitaries arrived in Raboteau for what investigators would later call a “dress rehearsal.” They rousted people from their homes, demanding to know where Amiot “Cubain” Metayer, a well-known Aristide supporter, was hiding. They beat people, inducing a pregnant woman to miscarry, and forced others to drink from open sewers. Soldiers tortured a 65-year-old blind man until he vomited blood. He died the next day.

The soldiers returned before dawn on April 22. They ransacked homes and shot people in the streets, and when the residents fled for the water, other soldiers fired at them from boats they had commandeered. Bodies washed ashore for days; some were never found. The number of victims ranges from two dozen to 30. Hundreds more fled the town, fearing further reprisals.” (St Petersburg Times, Florida, 1 September 2002)

During the military government (1991-1994), FRAPH was (unofficially) under the jurisdiction of the Armed Forces, taking orders from Commander in Chief General Raoul Cedras. According to a 1996 UN Human Rights Commission report, FRAPH had been supported by the CIA.

Under the military dictatorship, the narcotics trade, was protected by the military Junta, which in turn was supported by the CIA. The 1991 coup leaders including the FRAPH paramilitary commanders were on the CIA payroll. (See Paul DeRienzo, http://globalresearch.ca/articles/RIE402A.html , See also see Jim Lobe, IPS, 11 Oct 1996). Emmanuel Constant alias “Toto” confirmed, in this regard, in a CBS “60 Minutes” in 1995, that the CIA paid him about $700 a month and that he created FRAPH, while on the CIA payroll. (See Miami Herald, 1 August 2001). According to Constant, the FRAPH had been formed “with encouragement and financial backing from the U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency and the CIA.” (Miami New Times, 26 February 2004)

The Civilian “Opposition”

The so-called “Democratic Convergence” (DC) is a group of some 200 political organizations, led by former Port-au-Prince mayor Evans Paul. The “Democratic Convergence” (DC) together with “The Group of 184 Civil Society Organizations” (G-184) has formed a so-called “Democratic Platform of Civil Society Organizations and Opposition Political Parties”.

The Group of 184 (G-184), is headed by Andre (Andy) Apaid, a US citizen of Haitian parents, born in the US. (Haiti Progres, http://www.haiti-progres.com/eng11-12.html ) Andy Apaid owns Alpha Industries, one of Haiti’s largest cheap labor export assembly lines established during the Duvalier era. His sweatshop factories produce textile products and assemble electronic products for a number of US firms including Sperry/Unisys, IBM, Remington and Honeywell. Apaid is the largest industrial employer in Haiti with a workforce of some 4000 workers. Wages paid in Andy Apaid’s factories are as low as 68 cents a day. (Miami Times, 26 Feb 2004). The current minimum wage is of the order of $1.50 a day:

“The U.S.-based National Labor Committee, which first revealed the Kathie Lee Gifford sweat shop scandal, reported several years ago that Apaid’s factories in Haiti’s free trade zone often pay below the minimum wage and that his employees are forced to work 78-hour weeks.” (Daily News, New York, 24 Feb 2004)

Apaid was a firm supporter of the 1991 military coup. Both the Convergence démocratique and the G-184 have links to the FLRN (former FRAPH death squadrons) headed by Guy Philippe. The FLRN is also known to receive funding from the Haitian business community.

In other words, there is no watertight division between the civilian opposition, which claims to be non-violent and the FLRN paramilitary. The FLRN is collaborating with the so-called “Democratic Platform.”

The Role of the National Endowment for Democracy (NED)

In Haiti, this “civil society opposition” is bankrolled by the National Endowment for Democracy which works hand in glove with the CIA. The Democratic Platform is supported by the International Republican Institute (IRI) , which is an arm of the National Endowment for Democracy (NED). Senator John McCain is Chairman of IRI’s Board of Directors. (See Laura Flynn, Pierre Labossière and Robert Roth, Hidden from the Headlines: The U.S. War Against Haiti, California-based Haiti Action Committee (HAC), http://www.haitiprogres.com/eng11-12.html ).

G-184 leader Andy Apaid was in liaison with Secretary of State Colin Powell in the days prior to the kidnapping and deportation of President Aristide by US forces on February 29. His umbrella organization of elite business organizations and religious NGOs, which is also supported by the International Republican Institute (IRI), receives sizeable amounts of money from the European Union.(http://haitisupport.gn.apc.org/184%20EC.htm ).

It is worth recalling that the NED, (which overseas the IRI) although not formally part of the CIA, performs an important intelligence function within the arena of civilian political parties and NGOs. It was created in 1983, when the CIA was being accused of covertly bribing politicians and setting up phony civil society front organizations. According to Allen Weinstein, who was responsible for setting up the NED during the Reagan Administration: “A lot of what we do today was done covertly 25 years ago by the CIA.” (‘Washington Post’, Sept. 21, 1991).

The NED channels congressional funds to the four institutes: The International Republican Institute (IRI), the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs (NDI), the Center for International Private Enterprise (CIPE), and the American Center for International Labor Solidarity (ACILS). These organizations are said to be “uniquely qualified to provide technical assistance to aspiring democrats worldwide.” See IRI, http://www.iri.org/history.asp )

In other words, there is a division of tasks between the CIA and the NED. While the CIA provides covert support to armed paramilitary rebel groups and death squadrons, the NED and its four constituent organizations finance “civilian” political parties and non governmental organizations with a view to instating American “democracy” around the World.

The NED constitutes, so to speak, the CIA’s “civilian arm”. CIA-NED interventions in different part of the World are characterized by a consistent pattern, which is applied in numerous countries.

The NED provided funds to the “civil society” organizations in Venezuela, which initiated an attempted coup against President Hugo Chavez. In Venezuela it was the “Democratic Coordination”, which was the recipient of NED support; in Haiti it is the “Democratic Convergence” and G-184.

Similarly, in former Yugoslavia, the CIA channeled support to the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) (since 1995), a paramilitary group involved in terrorist attacks on the Yugoslav police and military. Meanwhile, the NED through the “Center for International Private Enterprise” (CIPE) was backing the DOS opposition coalition in Serbia and Montenegro. More specifically, NED was financing the G-17, an opposition group of economists responsible for formulating (in liaison with the IMF) the DOS coalition’s “free market” reform platform in the 2000 presidential election, which led to the downfall of Slobodan Milosevic.

The IMF’s Bitter “Economic Medicine”

The IMF and the World Bank are key players in the process of economic and political destabilization. While carried out under the auspices of an intergovernmental body, the IMF reforms tend to support US strategic and foreign policy objectives.

Based on the so-called “Washington consensus”, IMF austerity and restructuring measures through their devastating impacts, often contribute to triggering social and ethnic strife. IMF reforms have often precipitated the downfall of elected governments. In extreme cases of economic and social dislocation, the IMF’s bitter economic medicine has contributed to the destabilization of entire countries, as occurred in Somalia, Rwanda and Yugoslavia. (See Michel Chossudovsky, The globalization of Poverty and the New World Order, Second Edition, 2003, http://globalresearch.ca/globaloutlook/GofP.html )

The IMF program is a consistent instrument of economic dislocation. The IMF’s reforms contribute to reshaping and downsizing State institutions through drastic austerity measures. The latter are implemented alongside other forms of intervention and political interference, including CIA covert activities in support of rebel paramilitary groups and opposition political parties.

Moreover, so-called “Emergency Recovery” and “Post-conflict” reforms are often introduced under IMF guidance, in the wake of a civil war, a regime change or “a national emergency”.

In Haiti, the IMF sponsored “free market” reforms have been carried out consistently since the Duvalier era. They have been applied in several stages since the first election of president Aristide in 1990.

The 1991 military coup, which took place 8 months following Jean Bertrand Aristide’s accession to the presidency, was in part intended to reverse the Aristide government’s progressive reforms and reinstate the neoliberal policy agenda of the Duvalier era.

A former World Bank official Mr. Marc Bazin was appointed Prime minister by the Military Junta in June 1992. In fact, it was the US State Department which sought his appointment.

Bazin had a track record of working for the “Washington consensus.” In 1983, he had been appointed Finance Minister under the Duvalier regime, In fact he had been recommended to the Finance portfolio by the IMF: “President-for-Life Jean-Claude Duvalier had agreed to the appointment of an IMF nominee, former World Bank official Marc Bazin, as Minister of Finance”. (Mining Annual Review, June, 1983). Bazin, who was considered Washington’s “favorite”, later ran against Aristide in the 1990 presidential elections.

Bazin, was called in by the Military Junta in 1992 to form a so-called “consensus government”. It is worth noting that it was precisely during Bazin’s term in office as Prime Minister that the political massacres and extra judicial killings by the CIA supported FRAPH death squadrons were unleashed, leading to the killing of more than 4000 civilians. Some 300,000 people became internal refugees, “thousands more fled across the border to the Dominican Republic, and more than 60,000 took to the high seas” (Statement of Dina Paul Parks, Executive Director, National Coalition for Haitian Rights, Committee on Senate Judiciary, US Senate, Washington DC, 1 October 2002). Meanwhile, the CIA had launched a smear campaign representing Aristide as “mentally unstable” (Boston Globe, 21 Sept 1994).

The 1994 US Military Intervention

Following three years of military rule, the US intervened in 1994, sending in 20,000 occupation troops and “peace-keepers” to Haiti. The US military intervention was not intended to restore democracy. Quite the contrary: it was carried out to prevent a popular insurrection against the military Junta and its neoliberal cohorts.

In other words, the US military occupation was implemented to ensure political continuity.

While the members of the military Junta were sent into exile, the return to constitutional government required compliance to IMF diktats, thereby foreclosing the possibility of a progressive “alternative” to the neoliberal agenda. Moreover, US troops remained in the country until 1999. The Haitian armed forces were disbanded and the US State Department hired a mercenary company DynCorp to provide “technical advice” in restructuring the Haitian National Police (HNP).

“DynCorp has always functioned as a cut-out for Pentagon and CIA covert operations.” (See Jeffrey St. Clair and Alexander Cockburn, Counterpunch, February 27, 2002, http://www.corpwatch.org/issues/PID.jsp?articleid=1988 ) Under DynCorp advice in Haiti, former Tonton Macoute and Haitian military officers involved in the 1991 Coup d’Etat were brought into the HNP. (See Ken Silverstein, Privatizing War, The Nation, July 28, 1997, http://www.mtholyoke.edu/acad/intrel/silver.htm )

In October 1994, Aristide returned from exile and reintegrated the presidency until the end of his mandate in 1996. “Free market” reformers were brought into his Cabinet. A new wave of deadly macro-economic policies was adopted under a so-called Emergency Economic Recovery Plan (EERP) “that sought to achieve rapid macroeconomic stabilization, restore public administration, and attend to the most pressing needs.” (See IMF Approves Three-Year ESAF Loan for Haiti, Washington, 1996, http://www.imf.org/external/np/sec/pr/1996/pr9653.htm ).

The restoration of Constitutional government had been negotiated behind closed doors with Haiti’s external creditors. Prior to Aristide’s reinstatement as the country’s president, the new government was obliged to clear the country’s debt arrears with its external creditors. In fact the new loans provided by the World Bank, the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB), and the IMF were used to meet Haiti’s obligations with international creditors. Fresh money was used to pay back old debt leading to a spiraling external debt.

Broadly coinciding with the military government, Gross Domestic Product (GDP) declined by 30 percent (1992-1994). With a per capita income of $250 per annum, Haiti is the poorest country in the Western hemisphere and among the poorest in the world. (see World Bank, Haiti: The Challenges of Poverty Reduction, Washington, August 1998, http://lnweb18.worldbank.org/External/lac/lac.nsf/0/8479e9126e3537f0852567ea000fa239/$FILE/Haiti1.doc ).

The World Bank estimates unemployment to be of the order of 60 percent. (A 2000 US Congressional Report estimates it to be as high as 80 percent. See US House of Representatives, Criminal Justice, Drug Policy and Human Resources Subcommittee, FDHC Transcripts, 12 April 2000).

In the wake of three years of military rule and economic decline, there was no “Economic Emergency Recovery” as envisaged under the IMF loan agreement. In fact quite the opposite: The IMF imposed “stabilization” under the “Recovery” program required further budget cuts in almost non-existent social sector programs. A civil service reform program was launched, which consisted in reducing the size of the civil service and the firing of “surplus” State employees. The IMF-World Bank package was in part instrumental in the paralysis of public services, leading to the eventual demise of the entire State system. In a country where health and educational services were virtually nonexistent, the IMF had demanded the lay off of “surplus” teachers and health workers with a view to meeting its target for the budget deficit.

Washington’s foreign policy initiatives were coordinated with the application of the IMF’s deadly economic medicine. The country had been literally pushed to the brink of economic and social disaster.

The Fate of Haitian Agriculture

More than 75 percent of the Haitian population is engaged in agriculture, producing both food crops for the domestic market as well a number of cash crops for export. Already during the Duvalier era, the peasant economy had been undermined. With the adoption of the IMF-World Bank sponsored trade reforms, the agricultural system, which previously produced food for the local market, had been destabilized. With the lifting of trade barriers, the local market was opened up to the dumping of US agricultural surpluses including rice, sugar and corn, leading to the destruction of the entire peasant economy. Gonaives, which used to be Haiti’s rice basket region, with extensive paddy fields had been precipitated into bankruptcy:

. “By the end of the 1990s Haiti’s local rice production had been reduced by half and rice imports from the US accounted for over half of local rice sales. The local farming population was devastated, and the price of rice rose drastically “ ( See Rob Lyon, Haiti-There is no solution under Capitalism! Socialist Appeal, 24 Feb. 2004, http://cleveland.indymedia.org/news/2004/02/9095.php ).

In matter of a few years, Haiti, a small impoverished country in the Caribbean, had become the World’s fourth largest importer of American rice after Japan, Mexico and Canada.

The Second Wave of IMF Reforms

The presidential elections were scheduled for November 23, 2000. The Clinton Administration had put an embargo on development aid to Haiti in 2000. Barely two weeks prior to the elections, the outgoing administration signed a Letter of Intent with the IMF. Perfect timing: the agreement with the IMF virtually foreclosed from the outset any departure from the neoliberal agenda.

The Minister of Finance had sent the amended budget to the Parliament on December 14th. Donor support was conditional upon its rubber stamp approval by the Legislature. While Aristide had promised to increase the minimum wage, embark on school construction and literacy programs, the hands of the new government were tied. All major decisions regarding the State budget, the management of the public sector, public investment, privatization, trade and monetary policy had already been taken. They were part of the agreement reached with the IMF on November 6, 2000.

In 2003, the IMF imposed the application of a so-called “flexible price system in fuel”, which immediately triggered an inflationary spiral. The currency was devalued. Petroleum prices increased by about 130 percent in January-February 2003, which served to increase popular resentment against the Aristide government, which had supported the implementation of the IMF economic reforms.

The hike in fuel prices contributed to a 40 percent increase in consumer prices (CPI) in 2002-2003 (See Haiti—Letter of Intent, Memorandum of Economic and Financial Policies, and Technical Memorandum of Understanding, Port-au-Prince, Haiti June 10, 2003, http://www.imf.org/external/np/loi/2003/hti/01/index.htm ). In turn, the IMF had demanded, despite the dramatic increase in the cost of living, a freeze on wages as a means to “controlling inflationary pressures.” The IMF had in fact pressured the government to lower public sector salaries (including those paid to teachers and health workers). The IMF had also demanded the phasing out of the statutory minimum wage of approximately 25 cents an hour. “Labour market flexibility”, meaning wages paid below the statutory minimum wage would, according to the IMF, contribute to attracting foreign investors. The daily minimum wage was $3.00 in 1994, declining to about $1.50- 1.75 (depending on the gourde-dollar exchange rate) in 2004.

In an utterly twisted logic, Haiti’s abysmally low wages, which have been part of the IMF-World Bank “cheap labor” policy framework since the 1980s, are viewed as a means to improving the standard of living. In other words, sweatshop conditions in the assembly industries (in a totally unregulated labor market) and forced labor conditions in Haiti’s agricultural plantations are considered by the IMF as a key to achieving economic prosperity, because they “attract foreign investment.”

The country was in the straightjacket of a spiraling external debt. In a bitter irony, the IMF-World Bank sponsored austerity measures in the social sectors were imposed in a country which has 1,2 medical doctors for 10,000 inhabitants and where the large majority of the population is illiterate. State social services, which were virtually nonexistent during the Duvalier period, have collapsed.

The result of IMF ministrations was a further collapse in purchasing power, which had also affected middle income groups. Meanwhile, interest rates had skyrocketed. In the Northern and Eastern parts of the country, the hikes in fuel prices had led to a virtual paralysis of transportation and public services including water and electricity.

While a humanitarian catastrophe is looming, the collapse of the economy spearheaded by the IMF, had served to boost the popularity of the Democratic Platform, which had accused Aristide of “economic mismanagement.” Needless to say, the leaders of the Democratic Platform including Andy Apaid –who actually owns the sweatshops– are the main protagonists of the low wage economy.

Applying the Kosovo Model

In February 2003, Washington announced the appointment of James Foley as Ambassador to Haiti . Foley had been a State Department spokesman under the Clinton administration during the war on Kosovo. He previously held a position at NATO headquarters in Brussels. Foley had been sent to Port au Prince in advance of the CIA sponsored operation. He was transferred to Port au Prince in September 2003, from a prestige diplomatic position in Geneva, where he was Deputy Head of Mission to the UN European office.

It is worth recalling Ambassador Foley’s involvement in support of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) in 1999.

Amply documented, the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) was financed by drug money and supported by the CIA. ( See Michel Chossudovsky, Kosovo Freedom Fighters Financed by Organized Crime, Covert Action Quarterly, 1999, http://www.heise.de/tp/english/inhalt/co/2743/1.html )

The KLA had been involved in similar targeted political assassinations and killings of civilians, in the months leading up to the 1999 NATO invasion as well as in its aftermath. Following the NATO led invasion and occupation of Kosovo, the KLA was transformed into the Kosovo Protection Force (KPF) under UN auspices. Rather than being disarmed to prevent the massacres of civilians, a terrorist organization with links to organized crime and the Balkans drug trade, was granted a legitimate political status.

At the time of the Kosovo war, the current ambassador to Haiti James Foley was in charge of State Department briefings, working closely with his NATO counterpart in Brussels, Jamie Shea. Barely two months before the onslaught of the NATO led war on 24 March 1999, James Foley had called for the “transformation” of the KLA into a respectable political organization:

“We want to develop a good relationship with them [the KLA] as they transform themselves into a politically-oriented organization,’ ..`[W]e believe that we have a lot of advice and a lot of help that we can provide to them if they become precisely the kind of political actor we would like to see them become… “If we can help them and they want us to help them in that effort of transformation, I think it’s nothing that anybody can argue with..’ (quoted in the New York Times, 2 February 1999)

In the wake of the invasion “a self-proclaimed Kosovar administration was set up composed of the KLA and the Democratic Union Movement (LBD), a coalition of five opposition parties opposed to Rugova’s Democratic League (LDK). In addition to the position of prime minister, the KLA controlled the ministries of finance, public order and defense.” (Michel Chossudovsky, NATO’s War of Aggression against Yugoslavia, 1999, http://www.globalresearch.ca/articles/CHO309C.html )

The US State Department’s position as conveyed in Foley’s statement was that the KLA would “not be allowed to continue as a military force but would have the chance to move forward in their quest for self government under a ‘different context'” meaning the inauguration of a de facto “narco-democracy” under NATO protection. (Ibid).

With regard to the drug trade, Kosovo and Albania occupy a similar position to that of Haiti: they constitute “a hub” in the transit (transshipment) of narcotics from the Golden Crescent, through Iran and Turkey into Western Europe. While supported by the CIA, Germany’s Bundes Nachrichten Dienst (BND) and NATO, the KLA has links to the Albanian Mafia and criminal syndicates involved in the narcotics trade.( See Michel Chossudovsky, Kosovo Freedom Fighters Financed by Organized Crime, Covert Action Quarterly, 1999, http://www.heise.de/tp/english/inhalt/co/2743/1.html )

Is this the model for Haiti, as formulated in 1999 by the current US Ambassador to Haiti James Foley?

For the CIA and the State Department the FLRN and Guy Philippe are to Haiti what the KLA and Hashim Thaci are to Kosovo.

In other words, Washington’s design is “regime change”: topple the Lavalas administration and install a compliant US puppet regime, integrated by the Democratic Platform and the self-proclaimed Front pour la libération et la reconstruction nationale (FLRN), whose leaders are former FRAPH and Tonton Macoute terrorists. The latter are slated to integrate a “national unity government” alongside the leaders of the Democratic Convergence and The Group of 184 Civil Society Organizations led by Andy Apaid. More specifically, the FLRN led by Guy Philippe is slated to rebuild the Haitian Armed forces, which were disbanded in 1995.

What is at stake is an eventual power sharing arrangement between the various Opposition groups and the CIA supported Rebels, which have links to the cocaine transit trade from Colombia via Haiti to Florida. The protection of this trade has a bearing on the formation of a new “narco-government”, which will serve US interests.

A bogus (symbolic) disarmament of the Rebels may be contemplated under international supervision, as occurred with the KLA in Kosovo in 2000. The “former terrorists” could then be integrated into the civilian police as well as into the task of “rebuilding” the Haitian Armed forces under US supervision.

What this scenario suggests, is that the Duvalier-era terrorist structures have been restored. A program of civilian killings and political assassinations directed against Lavalas supporter is in fact already underway.

In other words, if Washington were really motivated by humanitarian considerations, why then is it supporting and financing the FRAPH death squadrons? Its objective is not to prevent the massacre of civilians. Modeled on previous CIA led operations (e.g. Guatemala, Indonesia, El Salvador), the FLRN death squadrons have been set loose and are involved in targeted political assassinations of Aristide supporters.

The Narcotics Transshipment Trade

While the real economy had been driven into bankruptcy under the brunt of the IMF reforms, the narcotics transshipment trade continues to flourish. According to the US Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), Haiti remains “the major drug trans-shipment country for the entire Caribbean region, funneling huge shipments of cocaine from Colombia to the United States.” (See US House of Representatives, Criminal Justice, Drug Policy and Human Resources Subcommittee, FDHC Transcripts, 12 April 2000).

It is estimated that Haiti is now responsible for 14 percent of all the cocaine entering the United States, representing billions of dollars of revenue for organized crime and US financial institutions, which launder vast amounts of dirty money. The global trade in narcotics is estimated to be of the order of 500 billion dollars.

Much of this transshipment trade goes directly to Miami, which also constitutes a haven for the recycling of dirty money into bona fide investments, e.g. in real estate and other related activities.

The evidence confirms that the CIA was protecting this trade during the Duvalier era as well as during the military dictatorship (1991-1994). In 1987, Senator John Kerry as Chairman of the Subcommittee on Narcotics, Terrorism and International Operations of the Senate Foreign Affairs Committee was entrusted with a major investigation, which focused on the links between the CIA and the drug trade, including the laundering of drug money to finance armed insurgencies. “The Kerry Report” published in 1989, while centering its attention on the financing of the Nicaraguan Contra, also included a section on Haiti:

“Kerry had developed detailed information on drug trafficking by Haiti’s military rulers that led to the indictment in Miami in 1988, of Lt. Col. Jean Paul. The indictment was a major embarrassment to the Haitian military, especially since Paul defiantly refused to surrender to U.S. authorities.. In November 1989, Col. Paul was found dead after he consumed a traditional Haitian good will gift—a bowel of pumpkin soup…

The U.S. senate also heard testimony in 1988 that then interior minister, Gen. Williams Regala, and his DEA liaison officer, protected and supervised cocaine shipments. The testimony also charged the then Haitian military commander Gen. Henry Namphy with accepting bribes from Colombian traffickers in return for landing rights in the mid 1980’s.

It was in 1989 that yet another military coup brought Lt. Gen. Prosper Avril to power… According to a witness before Senator John Kerry’s subcommittee, Avril is in fact a major player in Haiti’s role as a transit point in the cocaine trade.” ( Paul DeRienzo, Haiti’s Nightmare: The Cocaine Coup & The CIA Connection, Spring 1994, http://globalresearch.ca/articles/RIE402A.html )

Jack Blum, who was Kerry’s Special Counsel, points to the complicity of US officials in a 1996 statement to the US Senate Select Committee on Intelligence on Drug Trafficking and the Contra War:

“...In Haiti … intelligence “sources” of ours in the Haitian military had turned their facilities over to the drug cartels. Instead of putting pressure on the rotten leadership of the military, we defended them. We held our noses and looked the other way as they and their criminal friends in the United States distributed cocaine in Miami, Philadelphia and New, York.“ (http://www.totse.com/en/politics/central_intelligence_agency/ciacont2.html )

Haiti not only remains at the hub of the transshipment cocaine trade, the latter has grown markedly since the 1980s. The current crisis bears a relationship to Haiti’s role in the drug trade. Washington wants a compliant Haitian government which will protect the drug transshipment routes, out of Colombia through Haiti and into Florida.

The inflow of narco-dollars –which remains the major source of the country’s foreign exchange earnings– are used to service Haiti’s spiraling external debt, thereby also serving the interests of the external creditors.

In this regard, the liberalization of the foreign-exchange market imposed by the IMF has provided (despite the authorities pro forma commitment to combating the drug trade) a convenient avenue for the laundering of narco-dollars in the domestic banking system. The inflow of narco-dollars alongside bona fide “remittances” from Haitians living abroad, are deposited in the commercial banking system and exchanged into local currency. The foreign exchange proceeds of these inflows can then be recycled towards the Treasury where they are used to meet debt servicing obligations.

Haiti, however, reaps a very small percentage of the total foreign exchange proceeds of this lucrative contraband. Most of the revenue resulting from the cocaine transshipment trade accrues to criminal intermediaries in the wholesale and retail narcotics trade, to the intelligence agencies which protect the drug trade as well as to the financial and banking institutions where the proceeds of this criminal activity are laundered.

The narco-dollars are also channeled into “private banking” accounts in numerous offshore banking havens. (These havens are controlled by the large Western banks and financial institutions). Drug money is also invested in a number of financial instruments including hedge funds and stock market transactions. The major Wall Street and European banks and stock brokerage firms launder billions of dollars resulting from the trade in narcotics.

Moreover, the expansion of the dollar denominated money supply by the Federal Reserve System , including the printing of billions of dollars of US dollar notes for the purposes of narco-transactions constitutes profit for the Federal Reserve and its constituent private banking institutions of which the most important is the New York Federal Reserve Bank. See (Jeffrey Steinberg, Dope, Inc. Is $600 Billion and Growing, Executive Intelligence Review, 14 Dec 2001, http://www.larouchepub.com/other/2001/2848dope_money.html )

In other words, the Wall Street financial establishment, which plays a behind the scenes role in the formulation of US foreign policy, has a vested interest in retaining the Haiti transshipment trade, while installing a reliable “narco-democracy” in Port-au-Prince, which will effectively protect the transshipment routes.

It should be noted that since the advent of the Euro as a global currency, a significant share of the narcotics trade is now conducted in Euro rather than US dollars. In other words, the Euro and the dollar are competing narco-currencies.

The Latin American cocaine trade –including the transshipment trade through Haiti– is largely conducted in US dollars. This shift out of dollar denominated narco-transactions, which undermines the hegemony of the US dollar as a global currency, largely pertains to the Middle East, Central Asian and the Southern European drug routes.

Media Manipulation

In the weeks leading up to the Coup d’Etat, the media has largely focused its attention on the pro-Aristide “armed gangs” and “thugs”, without providing an understanding of the role of the FLRN Rebels.

Deafening silence: not a word was mentioned in official statements and UN resolutions regarding the nature of the FLRN. This should come as no surprise: the US Ambassador to the UN (the man who sits on the UN Security Council) John Negroponte. played a key role in the CIA supported Honduran death squadrons in the 1980s when he was US ambassador to Honduras. (See San Francisco Examiner, 20 Oct 2001 http://www.flora.org/mai/forum/31397 )

The FLRN rebels are extremely well equipped and trained forces. The Haitian people know who they are. They are Tonton Macoute of the Duvalier era and former FRAPH assassins.

The Western media is mute on the issue, blaming the violence on President Aristide. When it acknowledges that the Liberation Army is composed of death squadrons, it fails to examine the broader implications of its statements and that these death squadrons are a creation of the CIA and the Defense Intelligence Agency.

The New York Times has acknowledged that the “non violent” civil society opposition is in fact collaborating with the death squadrons, “accused of killing thousands”, but all this is described as “accidental”. No historical understanding is provided. Who are these death squadron leaders? All we are told is that they have established an “alliance” with the “non-violent” good guys who belong to the “political opposition”. And it is all for a good and worthy cause, which is to remove the elected president and “restore democracy”:

“As Haiti’s crisis lurches toward civil war, a tangled web of alliances, some of them accidental, has emerged. It has linked the interests of a political opposition movement that has embraced nonviolence to a group of insurgents that includes a former leader of death squads accused of killing thousands, a former police chief accused of plotting a coup and a ruthless gang once aligned with Mr. Aristide that has now turned against him. Given their varied origins, those arrayed against Mr. Aristide are hardly unified, though they all share an ardent wish to see him removed from power.” (New York Times, 26 Feb 2004)

There is nothing spontaneous or “accidental” in the rebel attacks or in the “alliance” between the leader of the death squadrons Guy Philippe and Andy Apaid, owner of the largest industrial sweatshop in Haiti and leader of the G-184.

The armed rebellion was part of a carefully planned military-intelligence operation. The Armed Forces of the Dominican Republic had detected guerilla training camps inside the Dominican Republic on the Northeast Haitian-Dominican border. ( El ejército dominicano informó a Aristide sobre los entrenamientos rebeldes en la frontera, El Caribe, 27 Feb. 2004, http://www.elcaribe.com.do/articulo_multimedios.aspx?id=2645&guid=AB38144D39B24C6FBA4213AC40DD3A01&Seccion=64 )

Both the armed rebels and their civilian “non-violent” counterparts were involved in the plot to unseat the president. G-184 leader Andre Apaid was in touch with Colin Powell in the weeks leading up to the overthrow of Aristide; Guy Philippe and “Toto” Emmanuel Constant have links to the CIA; there are indications that Rebel Commander Guy Philippe and the political leader of the Revolutionary Artibonite Resistance Front Winter Etienne were in liaison with US officials. (See BBC, 27 Feb 2004, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/3496690.stm ).

While the US had repeatedly stated that it will uphold Constitutional government, the replacement of Aristide by a more compliant individual had always been part of the Bush Administration’s agenda.

On Feb 20, US Ambassador James Foley called in a team of four military experts from the U.S. Southern Command, based in Miami. Officially their mandate was “to assess threats to the embassy and its personnel.” (Seattle Times, 20 Feb 2004). US Special Forces are already in the country. Washington had announced that three US naval vessels “have been put on standby to go to Haiti as a precautionary measure”. The Saipan is equipped with Vertical takeoff Harrier fighters and attack helicopters. The other two vessels are the Oak Hill and Trenton. Some 2,200 U.S. Marines from the 24th Marine Expeditionary Unit, at Camp Lejeune, N.C. could be deployed to Haiti at short notice, according to Washington.

With the departure of President Aristide, Washington, however, has no intention of disarming its proxy rebel paramilitary army, which is now slated to play a role in the “transition”. In other words, the Bush administration will not act to prevent the occurrence of killings and political assassinations of Lavalas and Aristide supporters in the wake of the president’s kidnapping and deportation.

Needless to say, the Western media has not in the least analyzed the historical background of the Haitian crisis. The role played by the CIA has not been mentioned. The so-called “international community”, which claims to be committed to governance and democracy, has turned a blind eye to the killings of civilians by a US sponsored paramilitary army. The “rebel leaders”, who were commanders in the FRAPH death squadrons in the 1990s, are now being upheld by the US media as bona fide opposition spokesmen. Meanwhile, the legitimacy of the former elected president is questioned because he is said to be responsible for “a worsening economic and social situation.”

The worsening economic and social situation is largely attributable to the devastating economic reforms imposed by the IMF since the 1980s. The restoration of Constitutional government in 1994 was conditional upon the acceptance of the IMF’s deadly economic therapy, which in turn foreclosed the possibility of a meaningful democracy. High ranking government officials respectively within the Andre Preval and Jean Bertrand Aristide governments were indeed compliant with IMF diktats. Despite this compliance, Aristide had been “blacklisted” and demonized by Washington.

The Militarization of the Caribbean Basin

Washington seeks to reinstate Haiti as a full-fledged US colony, with all the appearances of a functioning democracy. The objective is to impose a puppet regime in Port-au-Prince and establish a permanent US military presence in Haiti.

The US Administration ultimately seeks to militarize the Caribbean basin.

The island of Hispaniola is a gateway to the Caribbean basin, strategically located between Cuba to the North West and Venezuela to the South. The militarization of the island, with the establishment of US military bases, is not only intended to put political pressure on Cuba and Venezuela, it is also geared towards the protection of the multibillion dollar narcotics transshipment trade through Haiti, from production sites in Colombia, Peru and Bolivia.

The militarisation of the Caribbean basin is, in some regards, similar to that imposed by Washington on the Andean Region of South America under “Plan Colombia’, renamed “The Andean Initiative”. The latter constitutes the basis for the militarisation of oil and gas wells, as well as pipeline routes and transportation corridors. It also protects the narcotics trade.

The original source of this article is Global Research
Copyright © Prof Michel Chossudovsky, Global Research, 2004

https://www.globalresearch.ca/the-destabilization-of-haiti/56

In 2005 Veritas Capital, owners of DynCorp, set up Athena Innovative Solutions (formerly MZM, Inc.) to support orphanage projects in Haiti:

The Sure Foundation has granted over $9,000 to support the orphanage in the following ways: the installation of a water system for in-house toilets and bathing facilities and the construction of a playing field and apparatus for the children as their opportunities for wandering about in free play are limited.

Since 2008 DynCorp had been contracted by the United Nations to recruit and train local police as well as United Nations police.(1) As of 2013, DynCorp had up to 100 officers acting as part of the UN Police Unit, otherwise known as "UN Pol," and 10 UN correction advisers, acting in Haiti.(2) The US paid $48.6 Million to DynCorp for that agreement, which amounts to roughly $440,000 per employee.(3)

As late as 2015 it was reported that at least 231 individuals claimed they were sexually abused by United Nations peacekeepers in Haiti, with a majority of the victims being children.(4) Things have become so bad that in 2016 the United Nations vowed to make changes to accountability among peacekeepers in Haiti.(5) While that does indicate some progress in terms of change, little is being done about DynCorp.

Additional research on crimes committed by DynCorp in Haiti can be found on researcher George Webb's YouTube channel.

https://www.youtube.com/user/georgwebb

Part Six: DynPort Vaccine Company, Anthrax and the Black Death

 https://steemit.com/pizzagate/@rebelskum/the-case-against-dyncorp-part-vii-cerberus-capital-management-the-gatekeepers

DynPort Vaccine Company (DVC) is a little-known sister company of DynCorp who has also been involved in major scandals, particularly of the biomedical variety. DVC's mission, according to their website, is to, "help the government protect soldiers and civilians against emerging diseases and possible bioterror threats. We also manage product development programs for U.S. and international government agencies and provide consulting services to biotechnology and pharmaceutical companies."(1) DVC is now owned by CSRA, Inc., a merged conglomerate of CSC and SRA International. CSC also owned DynCorp for a short time before they sold it to Veritas Capital in 2005.

The name DynPort comes from the combination of DynCorp and Porton International (Porton Down).(2) This would be interesting as the founder of Porton Down would be found guilty of selling unauthorized anthrax to Saudi Arabia in 2002(3). This would be during the same time period DVC was also contracted to produce anthrax and anthrax vaccines, the latter not being completed by the time of the sale.(4)

It doesn't end there for DVC, however. One of their closest research and business partners, Baxter International, has its own section on Wikipedia dedicated to the list of scandals they have been involved in from 1975 to 2010.

1975 Hemofil - Hepatitis B outbreak
1983 Prison Plasma Collection
1996 Japanese Haemophiliac HIV Lawsuit
2001 Althane disaster
2008 Chinese heparin adulteration
2009 Avian flu contamination
2009 drug cost inflation
2010 Hepatitis C infections
2010 infusion pump recall
2008–2010 tax dodging

Source: Wikipedia on Baxter International

Despite the rather dubious nature of DVC's business practices and partnerships, they continually receive lucrative contracts to develop vaccines for major pandemic disease development and vaccinations as well as bioweapons research. They seem to serve as a middle-man for government agencies and private pharmaceutical companies and are always on the cutting edge of the next big epidemic disease.

Perhaps most unnerving is their current work on injectable vaccine for Yersinia pestis, more commonly known as the "Black Death" or "Bubonic Plague".

Drug Profile
Plague vaccine injectable - DynPort/USAMRIID
Alternative Names: Recombinant F1V plague vaccine - Dynport Vaccine Company; rF1V
Latest Information Update: 19 Jun 2015
At a glance
Originator United States Army Medical Research Institute of Infectious Diseases
Developer DynPort Vaccine Company
Class Plague vaccines
Mechanism of Action Immunostimulants
Orphan Drug Status No
New Molecular Entity No
Highest Development Phases
No development reported Yersinia infections
Most Recent Events
22 Aug 2012 DynPort completes a phase II trial in Healthy volunteers in US (NCT01122784)
11 Oct 2010 DynPort Vaccine Company completes enrolment in a phase IIb trial (NCT01122784) in USA
04 Oct 2010 DynPorts injectable plague vaccine is still in phase II trials for prevention of Yersinia infections in USA
Restricted Access

https://archive.is/NPRcv

Part Seven: Cerberus Capital Management, the Gatekeepers

https://steemit.com/pizzagate/@rebelskum/the-case-against-dyncorp-part-vii-cerberus-capital-management-the-gatekeepers

Cerberus Capital Management is the most recent owner of DynCorp International after its repeated scandals and sales. They purchased DynCorp in 2010 from Veritas Capital following the Kunduz Dancing Boy Incident, and have increased its size and scale ever since.

Cerberus themselves have been involved in some shady deals and strange connections, and they have made headlines recently as Steve Feinberg assists President Trump in auditing U.S. intelligence agencies.
History

Cerberus Capital Management is a multi-billion dollar, limited-partnership, private investment firm with a specialization in "distressed" investing.(1) It was founded in 1992 by Steve Feinberg and William L. Richter and its current also led by global investments chair, Dan Quayle, and chairman John W. Snow.

Cerberus not only owns DynCorp, but has countless other investments including:

GeoEye technology used by the Google Maps satellite
GE Money Bank who cashed in on the 2008 financial crisis
PaxVax vaccine development
Trican Well Service fracking
Burger King
Albertsons/Safeway

Source: Crunchbase
CEO and founder, Steve Feinberg


Steve Feinberg is an infamously mysterious man and tries to keep himself and Cerberus away from the public spotlight. He is famously quoted as saying:

We try to hide religiously.

If anyone at Cerberus has his picture in the paper and a picture of his apartment, we will do more than fire that person. We will kill him. The jail sentence will be worth it.”

Source: Steve Feinberg

Feinberg, as a representative of Cerberus, was also a member of the Business Council in 2015 when they met with Hillary Clinton according to an  email to John Podesta.(1)

As you might know, one of my clients is the Business Council — 120+ of the biggest CEO’s in the US.

We usually get a good group of approximately 100 CEO’s at each meeting.

The meetings are for CEO’s and their spouses only and off the record.

Co-Founder, William L. Richter
Little is known about William L. Richter and he has no Wikipedia page. He does however, have a page on Bloomberg which describes his background from Harvard Business School and a few of his rather peculiar investments:

Aryzta Us Holdings I Corp. (parent company for Aryzta food stuff)
!SOLUTIONS! Group
Atlantic Tele-Satellite, Inc.
D Construction, Inc.
Graham & Associates,Inc
Chairman of Nexus Industries Inc from 1970-1982 (Infant/toddler/childens clothing manufacturer)

According to diplomatic cables a William Richter also worked for the U.S. State Department in 1978, but it is unknown if they are exactly the same person.(2)

Scandalous Behavior
Cashing in on the 2008 financial crisis

In 2008 the United States faced one of its worst economic downturns ever, and as a result many major banks and car manufacturers were almost put out of business, or so they told the U.S. government. In fear of economic collapse, the U.S. Congress authorized billions of dollars to be paid to these failing companies to help them recover.

Most of this money ended up in the hands of executives who would then give themselves bonuses, but few people also realized that many of these companies receiving bailout money were also involved with Cerberus. Chrysler, General Motors Acceptance Corp, and many others would receive bailout money despite being owned by the booming Cerberus.(3)

Talecris blood plasma scandal
In the latter part of 2009 alone, Cerberus-owned Talecris opened four new plasma-milking factories, plastering the Mexican side of the border with advertisements promising easy cash, and parking special plasma-farm buses on the American side of the border to haul their human cargo to those milking dens not within walking distance of the Rio Grande.

Source: Mark Ames of Alternet

In the four years they owned Talecris, Cerberus Capital Management turned their initial $80 million USD investment into a $1.8 billion USD return using this methodology for procuring plasma donations.(4)

"Namagate" and Project Eagle
Namagate is a political corruption scandal involving the First Minister of Northern Ireland. The alleged corruption surrounds the sale of a portfolio of loans by the National Asset Management Agency (Nama) in April 2014. It is alleged that the First Minister of Northern Ireland, Peter Robinson, stood to benefit from a £7.5m "fixers' fee" upon the completion of the sale, which ultimately went to Cerberus.

Allegedly competitors were also threatened to ensure Cerberus would win the contract.(5)

This brief account only scratches the surface, what lies beneath is much more frightening.

Source: Jamie Bryson

Individuals involved with Cerberus

Hillary Clinton
It was mentioned earlier that Cerberus CEO Steve Feinberg met with Hillary Clinton in 2015, and according to Open Secrets, Cerberus Capital Management directly donated $43,264 to Hillary Clinton during her 2016 Presidential campaign.(6)

It should also be mentioned that Feinberg is a close association with Michael Bloomberg, and Bloomberg announced in 2016 that he would support Hillary Clinton.(7)

President Donald J. Trump
In February of 2017 President Donald J. Trump appointed Cerberus CEO Steve Feinberg to investigate and evaluate the performance of U.S. intelligence agencies. Trump alluded to a profound respect for Feinberg and was quoted as calling him a:

A very talented man, very successful man

He’s offered his services and you know, it’s something we may take advantage of.

Source: Bloomberg

Ron Burkle


Ron Burkle is a billionaire investor and statutory rapist who's been mentioned in an earlier Steemit post by the Pizzagate Wiki. As it would turn out Burkle is intimately connected to Cerberus through his firm, Yucaipa Company, as well as personally:

Burkle we’re told is also has a large investor in Cerberus.

Source: Natural Business News

Conclusion
Not only should DynCorp be investigated for their involvement in the Kunduz Dancing Boy Incident and more, but their owners such as Veritas and Cerberus, should also be investigated and held accountable. Sister companies and others owned by Veritas and Cerberus should be investigated too, such as Athena Innovative Solutions.

Cereberus Capital Management has a very dark and illustrious history of secrecy and corruption. Combined with DynCorp they make for literal gatekeepers to Hell, and I believe it is important to continue investigating Cerberus and their connections until a case is finally made against them.

For more info see the Pizzagate Wiki's page on Ceberus Capital Management.

https://steemit.com/pizzagate/@rebelskum/the-case-against-dyncorp-part-viii-dealers-in-death-and-dollars

In the 1930s Maj. Gen. Smedley Butler, the most decorated Marine of all time, was asked by Fascist members of the banking industry to overthrow President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. (1)

In response Smedley Butler would testify before Congress exposing the Fascist plot. He would also write a famous leaflet titled, War Is A Racket, in which he describes the similarities between Fascism, war-profiteering, and how defense organizations exist entirely for their own self-interests.

Out of war a few people make huge fortunes.

Source: Smedley Butler's War Is A Racket

Smedley Butler died in 1940, and almost nothing would be done about the testimony he gave before Congress, but the plot to overthrow Roosevelt would officially be foiled by Butler's bravery.

This brings us to the modern day where unregulated, private military corporations such as DynCorp, in addition to their crimes listed out in my previous Case Against DynCorp articles, have also committed several financial crimes ranging in the millions to even trillions of dollars.

I will begin to list out some of these large-scale financial crimes in an effort to illustrate DynCorp's repeated pattern of criminal behavior in just about every industry they operate within.

1991-2001 - Loss of trillions from the Department of Defense


It appears that Dyncorp broke the original investigation on this. Dyncorp was the accountant for roughly $2.7 trillion missing 1991-2001. Also missing in 1996 or 1997; $60 billion missing out of HUD.

Dyncorp appears to be the accounting division of the US government these days.

Source: State of the Nation (archive.is)

The reader should be reminded that this is the exact time period in which DynCorp was caught buying, selling and sexually abusing children in Bosnia, Kosovo, Colombia and more.

2001 - Enron Scandal


One of DynCorp's lesser-known, but incriminating connections is to the infamous insider-trading and massive financial fraud scandal of Enron. As it would turn out, famous DynCorp CEO Herbert "Pug" Winokur was also on the Board of Directors for Enron:

On the En­ron cor­po­rate web­site, one of the Board of Di­rec­tors, Her­bert S. “Pug” Winokur, Jr., is de­scribed as Chair­man and CEO of Capri­corn Hold­ings, Inc., and For­mer Se­nior Ex­ec­u­tive Vice Pres­i­dent, Penn Cen­tral Cor­po­ra­tion.

Source: Ether Zone (archive.is)

The Pizzagate Wiki uncovered some of Herbert "Pug" Winokur's past on our DynCorp page, but he was one of the foundational members of the organization and was essential to the creation of Palantir:

Winokur, through Capricorn Investments, had a decisive role in the 1980s management of the intelligence/government outsourcing mega-firm DynCorp, of Reston, VA. Winokur served as DynCorp CEO from 1989 to 1997.

Pug Winokur made DynCorp what it is today and he still sits on the board.

I was not surprised when Bill Hamilton confirmed to both Fitts and to me that Winokur's DynCorp had played a role in the evolution of Promis in the 1980s.

Source: From the Wilderness

More on the Enron Scandal can be found on Wikipedia, believe it or not.

2010 - Loss of billions from State Department in Iraq
The State Department cannot account for more than $1 billion it paid out to contractor DynCorp to train police during the first years of the Iraq war, in just one example of management shortcomings that have put at risk $2.5 billion worth of money spent on training policemen around the world, according to a damning new report.

The SIGIR’s report on INL contains many damning revelations, including the fact that the first $1 billion spent on the DynCorp contract was overseen by just one person, and that person simply approved the invoices without scrutiny.

Source: The Cable

2004-2014: DynCorp profits from Afghanistan despite Congressional and DoD opposition
For over a decade, the State Department gave 69% of its funding for Afghanistan to a single company—a company with a particularly checkered history.

The State Department paid nearly $4 billion for projects to aid in Afghan reconstruction from 2002 to 2013. $2.5 billion of that went to DynCorp...

Source: The Daily Beast

Lawmakers and the Department of Defense was beginning to have enough of DynCorp after their repeated scandals in Iraq, and were actively seeking alternatives for their contracts in Afghanistan when the Iraq reports report came out.

In 2011, the company was hit even harder in a joint report from Department of State and Department of Defense inspector generals citing failures that “placed the overall mission at risk by not providing the mentoring essential for developing the Afghan Government and Police Force.”

And that’s not even mentioning the allegations that DynCorp employees procured child prostitutes to entertain Afghan officials. It’s a claim that the company and State Department have both denied, but was serious enough to prompt worried emails from an Afghan politician asking that the story be kept secret.

Source: The Daily Beast and the latter incident I discussed in Part IV: Afghanistan and the Kunduz "Dancing Boy" Incident

It would turn out, however, that Hillary Clinton would have close assistant, Jack Lew, investigate these cases on behalf of the State Department. Despite the significance of the embezzlement, corruption, trafficking and security risk findings, the State Department would authorize further DynCorp contracts in Afghanistan and Pakistan which you can still apply for to this day (as of March 1, 2017).(2)

2014 - "Mozambique Incident"

APC like those used by DynCorp

Sometime around May of 2014 DynCorp and its partner OTT Technologies Mozambique rolled out the first 16 of 115 Armoured Personnel Carriers (APCs) for use by African Union peacekeepers in Mali on behalf of the United Nations and in close association with the infamous RAND Corporation.(3)

The vehicles are reportedly destined for the armies of seven unidentified West African countries contributing troops to Minusma [Mali].

Dyncorp International won a $173 million contract from the US Department of State, which funds the AFRICAP programme to support multinational peacekeeping efforts in Africa by providing new equipment and running pre-deployment training programmes for African soldiers seconded to peacekeeping missions.

However, the entire shipment of 16 vehicles has been seized and impounded by the Mozambican government pending the outcome of investigations into allegations of tax evasion and deception by OTT Technologies Mozambique, according to Mozambican media reports.

Apparently the Mozambican Tax Authority is now waiting for the verdicts of the national Public Prosecutor's office and the customs tribunal to rule on the company's alleged violations of the country's import laws.

The investigation involves the departments of interior, defence, foreign affairs and the intelligence services.

The official Mozambique report would also imply that DynCorp was caught trying to bring the vehicles to an unauthorized destination when they were supposed to be inspected at a predefined location. This makes the cargo highly suspect.

Source: defenceWeb

2016 - United States vs. DynCorp International for false claims in Iraq
The United States filed a False Claims Act complaint against DynCorp International Inc. alleging that it knowingly submitted inflated claims in connection with a State Department contract to train Iraqi police forces...

In its complaint, the United States alleges that DynCorp knowingly allowed one of its main CIVPOL subcontractors to charge excessive and unsubstantiated rates for hotel lodging, translator, security guard and driving services and overhead expenses, and included these charges in the claims it submitted under the CIVPOL contract to the State Department.

The complaint also alleges that DynCorp added its own markup to its subcontractor’s excessive charges, thereby further inflating the claims it submitted to the government.

Source: Department of Justice case against DynCorp International (archive.is)

During this time DynCorp would receive an additional $30 million USD from Cerberus Capital Management to fight the case against the Department of Justice.(4)

Conclusion

Smedley Butler

Never before has a single organization profited so much from engaging in and expanding warfare while committing atrocities such as human trafficking and mass murder.

Smedley Butler, Dwight Eisenhowever and other brave men and women tried to warn us that such events would happen, and for too long we have refused to pay attention.

This pattern exists in every single theater and industry DynCorp involves themselves in, shows no sign of letting up and by all legal definitions establishes a criminal pattern of conduct which should not longer be allowed to continue.

For all that it is good in this world you should not allow these people to represent you or your country

Part Nine: Repo! A Genetic Reality

 https://steemit.com/pizzagate/@rebelskum/the-case-against-dyncorp-part-ix-repo-a-genetic-reality

The final chapter before my closing argument against DynCorp is the most grisly and difficult to prove, but has been repeated time and time again as real by noted researchers such as George Webb. My greatest criticism of Webb so far has been the lack of links and source material to support such claims, so I decided to do some digging myself on the subject. In fact, altogether there is very little documentation given that implicates DynCorp with organ trafficking, but this article will attempt to rectify this.

Respected fellow Steemit researcher, @v4vapid, has published some supporting documentation to Webb's claims as well, and in particular with the KLA's involvement in organ trafficking, but I will attempt to go even further to establish a complete chapter in this case on DynCorp's specific activities. By demonstrating a clear, documented connection between DynCorp and international organ harvesting I hope to show the reader the sheer scale, depth, complexity and severity of the crimes in which DynCorp is involved.

The entity DynCorp already pillages, rapes and murders as it pleases, and yet the facts suggest they may take this even further insofar as to include the recycled use of victims' fluids, tissues and organs for continuing, massive profits.

2000s Kosovo - DynCorp's prototype

Hillary Clinton and Hashim Thaci

George Webb and I would independently come to similar conclusions in our research, and most notable among these is that Kosovo represented a major turning point for DynCorp operations. Once known collectively as Yugoslavia, the states of Kosovo, Bosnia and Serbia would be the proving grounds for some of DynCorp's most horriffic, yet financially successful ventures in defense contracting and it would paradoxically expand their sphere of influence to unprecedented heights.

We all know about the sex trafficking incidents which took place in 90s Bosnia and Kosovo, as it was discussed in Part III. It would not end there, however, and in addition to drugs and weapons it seems DynCorp may also have been involved in the rampant organ trafficking market of Kosovo which continued to the 21st Century.

Some others might recognize this as when v4vapid reports the KLA trafficked organs as well in Kosovo. The KLA, or the Kosovo Liberation Army, fought on behalf of the Prime Minister of Kosovo and Albanian Mafia leader Hashim Thaci during the 1990s. The KLA under Thaci would be found by the United Nations to be involved in the theft of kidneys and other organs from Serbian civilians and resistance groups during this time.(1)

Some Serbians and some Albanian Kosovars were held prisoner in secret places of detention under KLA control in northern Albania and were subjected to inhuman and degrading treatment, before ultimately disappearing.

Source: neurope

A "handful" of the healthiest prisoners were presumably transferred to a farmhouse near Fushë-Krujë, not far the Albanian capital of Tirana, where they were killed for their kidneys.

------------------------------------------

Kosovo PM is head of human organ and arms ring, Council of Europe reports

https://steemit.com/organharvesting/@v4vapid/the-kla-and-the-origins-of-organ-harvesting-in-the-balkans

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2010/dec/14/kosovo-prime-minister-llike-mafia-boss

Two-year inquiry accuses Albanian 'mafia-like' crime network of killing Serb prisoners for their kidneys

Kosovo's prime minister is the head of a "mafia-like" Albanian group responsible for smuggling weapons, drugs and human organs through eastern Europe, according to a Council of Europe inquiry report on organised crime.

Hashim Thaçi is identified as the boss of a network that began operating criminal rackets in the runup to the 1998-99 Kosovo war, and has held powerful sway over the country's government since.

The report of the two-year inquiry, which cites FBI and other intelligence sources, has been obtained by the Guardian. It names Thaçi as having over the last decade exerted "violent control" over the heroin trade. Figures from Thaçi's inner circle are also accused of taking captives across the border into Albania after the war, where a number of Serbs are said to have been murdered for their kidneys, which were sold on the black market.
Advertisement

Legal proceedings began in a Pristina district court today into a case of alleged organ trafficking discovered by police in 2008. That case – in which organs are said to have been taken from impoverished victims at a clinic known as Medicus – is said by the report to be linked to Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) organ harvesting in 2000. It comes at a crucial period for Kosovo, which on Sunday held its first elections since declaring independence from Serbia in 2008. Thaçi claimed victory in the election and has been seeking to form a coalition with opposition parties.

Dick Marty, the human rights investigator behind the inquiry, will present his report to European diplomats from all 47 member states at a meeting in Paris on Thursday. His report suggests Thaçi's links with organised crime date back more than a decade, when those loyal to his Drenica group came to dominate the KLA, and seized control of "most of the illicit criminal enterprises" in which Kosovans were involved south of the border, in Albania.

During the Kosovo conflict Slobodan Miloševic's troops responded to attacks by the KLA by orchestrating a horrific campaign against ethnic Albanians in the territory. As many as 10,000 are estimated to have died at the hands of Serbian troops.

While deploring Serb atrocities, Marty said the international community chose to ignore suspected war crimes by the KLA, "placing a premium instead on achieving some degree of short-term stability". He concludes that during the Kosovo war and for almost a year after, Thaçi and four other members of the Drenica group named in the report carried out "assassinations, detentions, beatings and interrogations". This same hardline KLA faction has held considerable power in Kosovo's government over the last decade, with the support of western powers keen to ensure stability in the fledgling state.

The report paints a picture in which ex-KLA commanders have played a crucial role in the region's criminal activity. It says: "In confidential reports spanning more than a decade, agencies dedicated to combating drug smuggling in at least five countries have named Hashim Thaçi and other members of his Drenica group as having exerted violent control over the trade in heroin and other narcotics."

Marty says: "Thaçi and these other Drenica group members are consistently named as 'key players' in intelligence reports on Kosovo's mafia-like structures of organised crime. I have examined these diverse, voluminous reports with consternation and a sense of moral outrage."

His inquiry was commissioned after the former chief prosecutor for war crimes at the Hague, Carla Del Ponte, said she had been prevented from investigating senior KLA officials. Her most shocking claim, which she said required further investigation, was that the KLA smuggled captive Serbs across the border into Albania, where their organs were harvested.

The report, which states that it is not a criminal investigation and unable to pronounce judgments of guilt or innocence, gives some credence to Del Ponte's claims.

It finds the KLA did hold mostly Serb captives in a secret network of six detention facilities in northern Albania, and that Thaçi's Drenica group "bear the greatest responsibility" for prisons and the fate of those held in them.

They include a "handful" of prisoners said to have been transferred to a makeshift prison just north of Tirana, where they were killed for their kidneys.

The report states: "As and when the transplant surgeons were confirmed to be in position and ready to operate, the captives were brought out of the 'safe house' individually, summarily executed by a KLA gunman, and their corpses transported swiftly to the operating clinic.''

The same Kosovan and foreign individuals involved in the macabre killings are linked to the Medicus case, the report finds.

Marty is critical of the western powers which have provided a supervisory role in Kosovo's emergence as a state, for failing to hold senior figures, including Thaçi, to account. His report criticises "faltering political will on the part of the international community to effectively prosecute the former leaders of the KLA".

It concludes: "The signs of collusion between the criminal class and the highest political and institutional office holders are too numerous and too serious to be ignored.

"It is a fundamental right of Kosovo's citizens to know the truth, the whole truth, and also an indispensable condition for reconciliation between the communities and the country's prosperous future."

If as expected the report is formally adopted by the committee this week, the findings will go before the parliamentary assembly next year.

The Kosovo government tonight dismissed the allegations, claiming they were the produce of "despicable and bizarre actions by people with no moral credibility".

"Today, the Guardian published an article that referred to a report from a member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, Dick Marty, which follows up on past reports published over the last 12 years aiming at maligning the war record of the Kosovo Liberation Army and its leaders," it said in a statement.

"The allegations have been investigated several times by local and international judiciary, and in each case, it was concluded that such statements have were not based on facts and were construed to damage the image of Kosovo and the war of the Kosovo Liberation Army.

"It is clear that someone wants to place obstacles in the way of prime minister, Hashim Thaçi, after the general election, in which the people of Kosovo placed their clear and significant trust in him to deliver the development programme and governance of our country.

"Such despicable and bizarre actions by people with no moral credibility, serve the ends of only those specific circles that do not wish well to Kosovo and its people."

• This article was amended on 15 December 2010. The original dated the Kosovo conflict to 1999 alone. This has been clarified.

Source: The Guardian

Tying all this to DynCorp is a rarely glimpsed 124-page investigation published by New York Times reporter, David Binder. Binder would state in his summary:

The study sharply criticizes the United States for “abetting the escape of criminals” in Kosovo as well as “preventing European investigators from working.”

This has made Americans “vulnerable to blackmail.”

It notes “secret CIA detention centers” at Camp Bondsteel and assails American military training for Kosovo (Albanian) police by Dyncorp, authorized by the Pentagon.

Kosovo auf Deutsch

Source: David Binder
By David Binder

Forget about status negotiations for a moment. The near-term outlook for Kosovo is unalterably grim: an economy stuck in misery; a bursting population of young people with “criminality as the sole career choice;” an insupportably high birthrate; a society imbued with corruption and a state dominated by organized crime figures.

These are the conclusions of “Operationalizing of the Security Sector Reform in the Western Balkans,” a 124-page investigation by the Institute for European Policy commissioned by the German Bundeswehr and issued last January. This month the text turned up on a weblog. It is labeled “solely for internal use.” Provided one can plow through the appallingly dense Amtsdeutsch – “German officialese” – that is already evident in the ponderous title, a reader is rewarded with sharp insights about Kosovo.

Occasionally a flicker of human frustration with the intractability of Kosovo’s people appears in the stolid German text. That reminded me of an encounter 44 years ago in the fly-specked cafeteria of Pristina’s Kosovski Bozur Hotel, occupied by a lone guest drinking a beer. He introduced himself as an engineer from Germany.

What was he doing here?” I inquired. “Ich verbloede,” he replied – “I am stupefying myself.” – (or, I am making myself stupid).

In this text, the authors make clear that Germany’s interest in Kosovo rests on its “geographic proximity” and its roles as the most important supplier of troops and provider of money for the province. Failure would mean “incalculable risks for future foreign and security policy” of the Federal Republic. The authors point out a “grotesque denial of reality by the international community” about Kosovo, coupling that with the warning of “a new wave of unrest that could greatly exceed the level of escalation seen up to now.”

The institute authors, Mathias Jopp and Sammi Sandawi, spent six months interviewing 70 experts and mining current literature on Kosovo in preparing the study. In their analysis the political unrest and guerrilla fighting of the 1990s led to basic changes which they call a “turnabout in Kosovo-Albanian social structures.” The result is a “civil war society in which those inclined to violence, ill-educated and easily influenced people could make huge social leaps in a rapidly constructed soldateska.”

“It is a Mafia society” based on “capture of the state” by criminal elements. (“State capture” is a term coined in 2000 by a group of World Bank analysts to describe countries where government structures have been seized by corrupt financial oligarchies. This study applied the term to Montenegro’s Milo Djukanovic, by way of his cigarette smuggling and to Slovenia, with the arms smuggling conducted by Janez Jansa). In Kosovo, it says, “There is a need for thorough change of the elite.”

In the authors’ definition, Kosovan organized crime “consists of multimillion-Euro organizations with guerrilla experience and espionage expertise.” They quote a German intelligence service report of “closest ties between leading political decision makers and the dominant criminal class” and name Ramush Haradinaj, HashimThaci and Xhavit Haliti as compromised leaders who are “internally protected by parliamentary immunity and abroad by international law.” They scornfully quote the UNMIK chief from 2004-2006, Soeren Jessen Petersen, calling Haradinaj “a close and personal friend.” UNMIK, they add “is in many respects an element
of the local problem scene.”

They cite its failure to improve Kosovo’s energy supply, and “notable cases of corruption that have led to alienation from Kosovo public and to a hostile picture of a colonialist administration.” They describe both UNMIK and KFOR as infiltrated by agents of organized crime who forewarn their ringleaders of any impending raids. “The majority of criminal incidents do not become public because of fear of reprisals.

Among the negative findings listed are:

The justice system’s 40,000 uncompleted criminal cases;

The paucity of corruption-crime investigations (10-15 annually);
The province’s 400 gas stations (where 150 would suffice), many of which serve as fronts for brothels and money-changing depots;

A Kosovo Police Service “dominated by fear, corruption and incompetence”;

The study sharply criticizes the United States for “abetting the escape of criminals” in Kosovo as well as “preventing European investigators from working.” This has made Americans “vulnerable to blackmail.” It notes “secret CIA detention centers” at Camp Bondsteel and assails American military training for Kosovo (Albanian) police by Dyncorp, authorized by the Pentagon.

In an aside, it quotes one unidentified official as saying of the American who is deputy chief of UNMIK, “The main task of Steve Schook is to get drunk once a week with Ramush Haradinaj.”

Concerning the crime scene the authors conclude that “with resolution of the status issue and the successive withdrawal of international forces the criminal figures will come closer than ever to their goal of total control of Kosovo.”

Among the dismal findings of the German study are those on the economy:

Sinking remission of money from Kosovans working abroad, a primary source of income for many Kosovo families, pegged now at 560 million euros per annum;

Some 88 percent of the land now in private ownership, meaning ever more sub dividing of plots, usually among brothers, leading to less and less efficient agriculture;

Proliferation of NGOs – now numbering 2,400 – the great bulk of which exist for shady purposes;

A hostile climate for foreign investors, frightened by political instability and the power of mafia structures.

A central issue in Kosovo is an “inexhaustible supply of young people without a future and therefore ready for violence,” the study says. The only remedy for dealing with this “youth bulge” is to open northern Europe’s gates to young Kosovans seeking jobs, the authors say.

In anticipation of a transfer of oversight from the UN to the European Union, the authors warn: “the EU is in danger of following too strongly in the wake of a failed UN and to disintegrate under the inherited burden unless they make an open break with practices and methods of UNMIK.” One of the experts they interviewed put it more bluntly: “the EU is inheriting from UNMIK a fireworks store filled with pyromaniacs.”

In the estimate of the authors neither NATO nor the EU or UN appear capable of self examination, much less self-criticism. The authors draw a picture of self-satisfied incompetents in all international organizations dealing with Kosovo.

However, in their depiction, Kosovans appear equally beholden to legend – in their case of historic exploitation – such that if they finally achieve independence, all will suddenly be well. In the past Kosovans could and did always blame somebody else for their troubles: Ottomans, Yugoslavs, Serbs. Now they have begun to blame UNMIK. But what will happen if they have only themselves to blame?

This not only corroborates DynCorp being in Kosovo during the time period, but this also clearly demonstrates DynCorp's involvements with training and arming the state forces of Kosovo (ie. Hashim Thaci and the KLA) and all while under Pentagon direction.

Given that DynCorp's primary industry at this time was aircraft maintenance and logistics, and nobody really knows how Kosovo "shipped" these organs to Turkey and Nigeria, it stands to reason that DynCorp could have likely facilitated such exchanges and possibly more.

It might be worth mentioning here that substantial ties between Hillary Clinton and Hashim Thaci can be found as well. Hillary Clinton would cover for and defend both Hashim Thaci and DynCorp's criminal activities repeatedly.

Nigeria

Rochas Okorocha

Hashim Thaci's organ trafficking ring would include another country and powerful leader in Nigeria. Rochas Okorocha, a billionaire doctor and elected leader of Imo State, Nigeria would testify against Hashim Thaci and implicate them both in an international organ trade.(2)

In 2005, and interestingly enough during the Thaci regime, DynCorp International would be awarded a lucrative contract to "build and operate West Africa's Most Advanced Private Airport" in, of all places the same region of Nigeria as Rochas Okorocha.(3) This project would ultimately become the world-renowned Akwa Ibom International Airport.

Sometime in 2011, however, things began to change out of DynCorp's favor. For one reason or another the contract was re-awarded to another contractor and DynCorp's airport was literally seized by the Nigerian government.(4)

Things would continue to escalate as the Akwa Ibom State proceeded to sue DynCorp over the project in 2012. It would turn out the Nigerian government would claim DynCorp actually abandoned the project after collecting the funds,(5) an overall very similar pattern to what was described in Part VIII.

One is left to speculate as to why the double-cross occurred and what possibly led to Okorocha incriminating himself in the organ trade.

Haiti
In another article by @v4vapid several major connections can be found between major hospitals in Haiti and the organ trade. This is pretty much essential material on the subject, but I will attempt to paraphrase some of the major points.

One of George Webb's major claims is that a Cholera outbreak was used to funnel patients to DynCorp-run hospitals like L’Hopital La Coeur Sacré (The Sacred Heart Hospital) in Haiti where organs were then stolen.

@v4vapid was able to find that Sacred Heart Hospital was supported by CRUDEM (Center for Rural Development of Milot), who was in turn supported by USAID, CDC, U.S. State Department and curiously enough the Order of Malta. CRUDEM and the Sacred Heart Hospital would provide support for thousands during the 2010 Haitian Earthquake, including Cholera patients:


CRUDEM

This is a painful and uncomfortable pill to swallow for the UN since we know that UN troops, supplied/trained by DynCorp, introduced Cholera to Haiti that infecetd over half a milion and caused thousands of preventable deaths.

Before the quake there had never been a recorded case of Cholera in Haiti.

Government contracts in Haiti are granted by the State Department and through USAID.

DynCorp has billions of dollars in US government contracts much of them issued by the State Department and/or USAID.

This is strongly suggestive that DynCorp played a significant role in the proliferation of Cholera and subsequent Cholera vaccinations in order to obtain substantial profits and possibly lure victims to DynCorp-run hospitals as well.

The only question that remains then is were DynCorp-run hospitals involved in actual organ harvesting and trafficking? Well...

The Haitian Prime Minister Jean-Max Bellerive would announce that organs were indeed being trafficked from Haiti(6) through seemingly legitimate organizations. Bellerive would go on to elaborate:

Many groups appear to be legitimate, "but a lot of organizations -- they come and they say there were children on the streets. They're going to bring them to the [United] States," he said.

He said 70 to 80 percent of the aid coming to the country right now does not go through the Haitian government.

Bellerive said about 90 percent of American aid, for example, goes through non-governmental organizations.

Source: Jean-Max Bellerive quoted on CNN

Considering the overwhelming historic presence of DynCorp in Haiti, it is easy to see how they could have facilitated organ trafficking just as they had done before in Kosovo and Nigeria.